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Volume VIL 


With * biographical Introduction 

<By Hf- Hon. W. E. H. LECKY, 9X. <P. 

Historical and 
Political Tracts- 

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SWIFT'S writings for the Harley Administration form a 
body of political literature as distinguished for its 
versatility as it is characteristic of the man and his times. 
It is true these writings are the expression of a party point 
of view and a*re often marred by a strong private and per- 
sonal bias. As might be expected they evince much of the 
weakness which is inevitable to all purely special pleadings. 
In spite, however, of these blemishes, and in spite of the 
fact that they were written for an occasion, these political 
tracts are remarkable for their masterly presentation of 
special theses ; for the simple and select expression of com- 
plicated conditions; for their eloquence and passion; for 
their illuminating flashes of satire ; and, more than all, for the 
power which lifts an argument for a party into the broader 
and larger field of a principle or a law of nations. Even 
the special pleadings, apart from the purpose they were in- 
tended to serve, have their spring in what, to use a meta- 
physical term, may be called " true universals." 

Swift had a terrible gift of insight into human nature and 
a remarkable clarity of vision into the forces which con- 
dition the interaction and play of character on character. 
These attributes enabled him, not merely to see how and 
why events occurred, but how best to move those to whom 
he addressed himself, and thus effect the purpose in hand. 
Herein lay the weight of his influence as a pamphleteer on 
the people of his day. There is, in these writings, the fine 

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quality of great oratory. They persuade by their very 
simplicity, yet leave the impression of carefully reasoned 
conclusions from self-evident premises. They arrest atten- 
tion at the outset, and they hold that attention in eager 
expectancy and interested curiosity to the very end. 

Swift came to London, a humble petitioner on behalf of 
the clergy of Ireland. He left it finally, nearly four years 
later, a disappointed and saddened man, it is true, but his 
name had become a synonym for power. In those four 
years he had advanced from a seeker of favours into a dis- 
penser of them. By his sheer personal genius of character 
he had obtained an influence of a kind which no purely 
literary man has ever obtained either before or since his 
time. So indispensable had he made himself to the minis- 
ters that his slightest fancies had but to be expressed to find 
fulfilment. With the successful issue to each effort came to 
his contemporaries the realization of the master-mind that 
had arisen in their midst. To Swift, however, success 
meant power and the right to use it. He knew himself, as 
all great minds know themselves, to be possessed of unusual 
gifts, and the vindication of himself in the eyes of the 
world brought with it a lordly complacency which came 
natural to him. To a man of his temper this complacency 
had little in it of humility. It meant an arrogant insistence 
upon himself as a fact. He had waited long for the oppor- 
tunity, and now that it had come, he made the fullest use 
of it to indulge his masterful character. In particular, he 
seemed to take delight in an almost brutal condescension 
to the lords and ladies of the social life above him. It mat- 
tered little who he or she was — Harley, St. John, the Duke of 
Buckingham, the Duchess of Shrewsbury, Lady Ashburnham, 
or any other — Swift made him understand that he was more 
than his equal. " I use them like dogs," he wrote to Stella. 
The times bred the man — they were times full of meaning 
and potentiality for England then and to come, the struggle 

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for supremacy between the monarchy and the people — and 
the man expressed and justified the times. He towered 
head and shoulders above his fellows. Neither Arbuthnot, 
nor Prior, nor Pope, nor Steele, nor Addison, nor Gay, nor 
even Bolingbroke himself, had that independence of char- 
acter which compelled homage and which is the mark of 
the born leader of men. Nor did they possess that special 
perfection of literary expression which could so touch human 
passions that its largest measure of persuasive power came 
from the very passions it aroused, and which is the mark of 
the born orator. Yet this was the man who seemed, as it 
were, fated to be the right man in the wrong place. Addison 
could be a Secretary, Prior an ambassador, Wharton a 
governor, Boulter a Primate, while the man who could 
weigh and hold them all in the palm of his hand had to beg 
and be denied the paltry office of a historiographer. The 
explanation must lie in the fact that Swift had the temper 
which brings fear; and his political friends dreaded him 
only a little less than did his political enemies. He was too 
mighty a force to be intrusted with high executive position, 
and he was grudgingly retired from the arena of active politics 
with the Deanery of St. Patrick's. 

As a political adviser Swift had that sanity which is the 
outcome of an impassioned insight into character reacting on 
an intellect that reasoned rightly by instinct. The "Memoirs 
relating to the change in the Queen's Ministry," the " Free 
Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs, " and the " Con- 
siderations upon the Consequences hoped and feared from 
the Death of the Queen," amply bear out this claim. They 
are all marked by a statesmanlike grasp of affairs, and 
though these found him a nearly interested party, yet the 
fact did not blur his vision. They show also the uncommon 
shrewdness which Swift possessed. With all his disdain for 
the men and women who made up the society of his 
day, his judgment of them invariably allowed for the in- 

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stinctive acts of mankind as well as for the premeditated 

As a political friend he was staunch to the last degree. 
Harley and Bolingbroke he served faithfully and, we believe, 
disinterestedly — certainly as much for the love he bore 
them as for any hope of personal gain or advancement. 
When, finally, he left them to themselves, it was only after he 
was convinced that all his efforts could avail nothing. But 
he had given them of his best, and had done for them what 
it was possible for no other man of his day to do. " The 
Conduct of the Allies " is the most successful effort ever 
made on behalf of a ministry by any single writer of any age. 
The popularity of even a Marlborough in the midst of his 
victories and at the height of his career, could not stand be- 
fore its trenchant criticism and persuasive argument. 

As a political enemy he was a man to be dreaded. On 
this side he stopped at nothing. His " Character of Whar- 
ton" is a sufficient example of the lengths he could go 
to blast an opponent, or satisfy an animosity born of a public 
grievance. His treatment of Steele proves how effectively 
he could erase the ink-stains of a meddler in state affairs. 
" The Importance of the Guardian Considered" may be 
taken as the personal side of a quarrel which obtained its 
impersonal view in "The Public Spirit of the Whigs" — 
a piece of argument and scornful invective which remains a 
masterpiece to-day, and which stood then, in the midst of a 
crisis , that produced almost a literature in itself, the 
strangest and strongest expression of political attack and 

The present volume contains sufficient material to vindi- 
cate amply, not merely the high part Swift played in the 
political struggles of the last four years of the reign of Anne, 
but the claim that can be made for him that his was one of 
the profoundest minds of his day. We do not mean to say 
that he was distinguished for pure thinking in the sense in 

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which that phrase is applied to Kant or Newton. That 
was not at all Swift's genius. His depth of reflective 
activity lay in his knowledge of character and the application 
he made of that knowledge for the purpose of practical 
affairs. In an eminent degree he had the mind of the 
statesman who is compelled to deal with conditions as they 
are, and not as they might be ; and the depth of his thinking 
is in proportion to the narrowness of his point of view. A 
Whig in early life, circumstances made him a Tory; but 
party never strongly held him when the Church stood in 
danger. In whatever party he may be classed the genius 
of the man was above all parties. One can but dimly 
appreciate his feelings on finding himself serving as a 
Grub Street hack ; and one need not be surprised that he 
took occasion by the ear and stalked the antechambers 
of the ministers as if he were the man and not they. 
Indeed for that matter, he " walked the earth unguessed at" 
It was only in later years that the men of his time came to 
know him a little better. Perhaps Walpole, too, was afraid 
of him. 

Sir Walter Scott's edition of Swift's Works, issued in a 
revised form in 1824, contained much either that Swift did 
not write or with which he had but little to do. These tracts 
have been omitted from this collection, and it is hoped that 
what is here given may stand for Swift's actual work. The 
only tract about which a question may be raised is that en- 
titled, "A Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's Sermon," and the 
reason for its inclusion has been given in the note prefixed 
to the text. Further points will be discussed in the biblio- 
graphy to be printed in the last volume. 

The editor takes this opportunity to express his gratitude 
for able assistance to Mr. W. Spencer Jackson who has 
carefully collated texts, to Mr. G. Ravenscroft Dennis, 
and to the late Colonel F. Grant. His indebtedness 
must also be recorded to the many published works on 

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Swift and his times. In particular, he owes much 
to the researches of Sir Henry Craik, Mr. J. Churton 
Collins, Mr. G. A. Aitken, and the writers in the " Dictionary 
of National Biography." Mr. Walter SichePs careful study 
of Bolingbroke came a little late ; but his apology for Boling- 
broke on the Catalan affair has been noted, though leave is 
here taken to differ from the able apologist. 

Acknowledgment must again be made to Sir Frederick 
Falkiner for his help in the matter of the Swift portraits, i 
Finally, the editor begs to thank the publishers heartily ! 
for their indulgence for the unavoidable delay in the appear- ! 
ance of the present volume. j 

Temple Scott. , 
Glen Ridge, 

New Jersey, j 


May 16, 1901. 

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A Short Character of Thomas Earl of Wharton . i 

Some Remarks upon a Pamphlet entitled, " A Letter 

to the Seven Lords of the Committee appointed to 

examine Gregg" 29 

The Conduct of the Allies 55 

Some Remarks on the Barrier Treaty . . . 125 
An Appendix to the Conduct of the Allies, and 

Remarks on the Barrier Treaty .... 164 
A Learned Comment on Dr. Hare's excellent Sermon 169 

A New Journey to Paris 187 

Some Advice to the Members of the October Club . 207 
A Complete Refutation of the Falsehoods alleged 

against Erasmus Lewis, Esq 227 

Some Reasons to prove that no one is obliged, by 

his principles as a Whig, to oppose the Queen. In 

a Letter to a Whig Lord 237 

A Letter from the Pretender to a Whig Lord . 257 
A Letter of thanks from Lord Wharton to the 

Bishop of St. Asaph, in the name of the Kit Cat 

Club 259 

Remarks on Bishop Fleetwood's Preface . . . 269 
The Address of the House of Lords to the Queen, 

April 9TH, 1713 273 

The Importance of the Guardian Considered . . 275 

The Public Spirit of the Whigs 309 

Memoirs relating to that change that happened in 

the Queen's Ministry in the Year 17 10 . . . 359 
Some Free Thoughts upon the Present State of 

Affairs 391 

Some Considerations upon the Consequences Hoped 

and Feared from the Death of the Queen . . 417 

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An Enquiry into the Behaviour of the Queen's Last 

Ministry 425 

Memorial to the Queen, April 15, 17 14 . . . 477 

Appendix 479 

Index 485 

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The Right Hon. Thomas Wharton (1645?- 17 15) was tne tnird > Dut 
eldest, surviving son of Philip, fourth Lord Wharton. He was member 
for Wendover (1673-1678) and Buckinghamshire (167! ). He succeeded 
his father as fifth Lord Wharton, February 5th, 169! . In 1706 he was 
created Earl of Wharton, and in 1714-15 Marquess of Wharton and 
Malmesbury. During the reign of James II. he was a strong opponent 
of court measures, and Judge Jeffries did all in his power to prevent 
his re-election to parliament in 1685. It is supposed that he drew up 
the draft of the invitation to the Prince of Orange in 1688. Whether 
he did or no is not certain ; but he was in great favour with that prince 
throughout his reign in England. Under William he was Privy Coun- 
cillor (1688-9) » Comptrollerof the King's Household (1689- 1702); "Chief 
Justice in Eyre of all his forests, chaces, parks, and warrens, south of 
Trent" (1697- 1 702); Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire (1697-1702), as 
well as of Bucks (1702). When the Grand Alliance was formed he 
accompanied William to the Hague ( 1690- 1 ). He took an active part in 
the debate in the House of Lords relative to the Partition Treaty, and 
Burnet tells us that it was he who moved that the King should treat no 
more with the French King, nor rely on his word without further 

On the accession of Queen Anne he was removed from his various 
appointments ; but he made himself conspicuous by the part he took in 
tne conference with the House of Commons against the bill for Occa- 
sional Conformity, and his support of the five Aylesbury men who were 
imprisoned for breach of privilege in 1704. In 1705 the University of 
Cambridge presented him with the honorary degree of LL.D. A fair 
insight into Lord Wharton's character, and one which would seem to 
go a long way to justify Swift's " character," may be obtained from 
reading Lord Dartmouth's note to Burnet's " History " (vol. v., p. 242, 
1833, Oxford), in which is given a hint of Wharton's abominable con- 
duct in a church. 

Wharton was one of the Commissioners for the Union of Scotland 
appointed April 10th, 1706. In 1708 he was Lord Lieutenant of 
Ireland, and Joseph Addison was his Irish Secretary. In his essay 
on Addison Macaulay thus refers to Wharton : " The Lord lieutenant 
was not only licentious and corrupt, but was distinguished from other 
libertines and jobbers by a callous impudence which presented the 
strongest contrast to the Secretary's gentleness and delicacy." And 
yet for this man the Irish House of Lords, in their address to the 
Queen, returned their thanks to Her Majesty for sending "a person of • 
so great wisdom and experience " to be then* chief governor. He was 
succeeded by the Duke of Ormond in 17 10. 

During the latter part of Anne's reign he strongly opposed court 
measures, and was one of the famous Junto so often abused by Swift. 

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He was prominent in the prosecution against Dr. Sacheverell, and pro- 
cured the appointment of Sir Thomas Parker as Lord Chief Justice, as a 
reward for his services in that affair. It was on his complaint, on March 
2nd, 1713-14, against Swift's "Public Spirit of the Whigs," that the 
House of Lords condemned that pamphlet. (See note in present 
volume, p. 319). 

He was censured for receiving ^1,000 from George Hutchisson to 
procure for that person the post of Register of Seizures in the Custom 

In 17 13 and 17 14 he was much in evidence against the Pretender ; 
and when George I. arrived in England he was restored to the Privy 
Council and created a Marquess. His son Philip, by his second wife, 
Lucy Loftus, daughter of Lord Lisburne, was created Duke of Wharton. 

Mr. Robert Harrison, in " The Imperial Dictionary of Universal 
Biography," describes him as "the profligate son of a puritanical 
father, and the father of a son more licentious than himself." 

Dr. Birch says that "King William was duly sensible of his services 
before and at the Revolution," and Wharton "received the utmost 
proofs of confidence and respect, and had the King's most intimate 
designs communicated to him. His probity and good affection in 
what concerned the government was well assured." 

Mr. Solomon Bolton in his "Extinct Peerage" (1769), speaks of 
him as "a worthy complete statesman, a principal promoter of the 
Revolution, zealous for the Hanover settlement, of great sagacity, elo- 
cution, and spirit." 

Lord Dartmouth, in one of his notes to Burnet's "History," says : 
"This charming Lord Wharton had the most provoking, insolent manner 
of speaking that I ever observed in any man, without any regard to 
civility or truth." And Mr. Onslow, in another note to the same work 
(vol. v., 1833, Oxford), remarks : " He was extremely odious to the 
Tories, and as much regarded by the Whigs, to whom he was always 
very firm and of great use from his abilities, especially in Parliament." 

Macaulay. describing the man in his " History," writes of him, under 
date 1693 : " H e was m n ^ 47*h vear > ^ ut was stu *l a young man in 
constitution, in appearance, and in manners .... The most dissolute 
cavaliers stood aghast at the dissoluteness of the emancipated precisian. 
. . . To the end of his long life the wives and daughters of his nearest 
friends were not safe from his licentious plots. ... To the religion of 
his country he offered, in the mere wantonness of impiety, insults too 
foul to be described. ... He lived in times when faction was almost a 
madness ; and he possessed in an eminent degree the qualities of the 
leader of a faction. There was a single 'tie which he respected. The 
falsest of mankind in all relations but one, he was the truest of Whigs." 
His Whig friends called him "Honest Tom." A fairly impartial 
delineation of Wharton's character may be found in Coxe's " Marl- 
borough," (vol. i., pp. 257-9, Bonn edit). 

The pamphlet here reprinted is from an edition published in 171 1, 

and " printed for William Coryton, Bookseller, at the Black-Swan on 

Ludgate Hill." It was written late in August, 17 10, and the first 

edition was issued, probably, in December of the same year. 

In his letter to Stella, dated 8th December, 17 10, Swift refers to its 


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publication : " Here is a damned libellous pamphlet come out against 
Lord Wharton, giving the character first, and then telling some of his 
actions ; the character is very well, but the facts indifferent. It has 
been sent by dozens to several gentlemen's lodgings, and I had one or 
two of them, but nobody knows the author or printer." On the 1st 
January he again writes to her : " The character is rendered admirable ; 
but most of the facts are trifles. It was first printed privately here, and 
then some bold cur ventured to do it publicly, and sold two thousand 
in two days : who the author is must remain uncertain. Do you pre- 
tend to know, impudence ? How durst you think so? " Probably the 
"bold cur" is the William Coryton of the Black Swan. 

Swift in calling his facts "indifferent" must have meant that he 
could have made them much stronger had he thought it wise to tell all 
he knew of his subject. Swift's hatred of the man must be placed to 
Wharton's infamous government of Ireland, and not so much to his 
dislike of Wharton's attitude to the ministers of religion. In the " Last 
Years of Queen Anne," Swift says of Wharton that " he had contracted 
such large debts, that his brethren were forced to leave Ireland at his 
mercy, where he had only time to set himself right." 

Archbishop King, probably suspecting the author of the " Character," 
wrote Swift his opinion of it : "We have published here," he writes, 
"a character of the Earl of Wharton, late Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. 
I have so much charity and justice as to condemn all such proceedings. 
If a governor behave himself ill, let him be complained of and punished ; 
but to wound a man thus in the dark." The Archbishop's criticism, 
probably, assisted in the breach which later showed itself more plainly 
between him and the Dean. 

I have been unable to procure a copy of the first edition. Other 
references by Swift to Wharton may be found in the 13th, 17th, and 
22nd letters to the " Examiner," in one of which he is depicted in the 
character of Verres, the infamous proconsul of Sicily. 


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O F 

His Ex. T> E of W f 

L, L. of J*—. 


An Account of fame fmallerFa&s, du- 
ring His Government, which will not 
be put into the Articles of Impeach- 

L O N D O Nt 

Fruited for WUiUmQrytM^ Bookfeller, at the 
• Black-Swan oa Ltulgatt-hit, 171 1. 

Price 4<f. 

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August 30, 171a 

THE kingdom of Ireland being governed by deputation 
from hence, its annals, since the English establishment, 
are usually digested under the heads of the several governors : 
But the affairs and events in that island, for some years past, 
have been either so insignificant, or so annexed to those of 
England, that they have not furnished matter of any great 
importance to history. The share of honour which the 
gentlemen from thence have had by their conduct and 
employments in the army, turns all to the article of this 
kingdom ; the rest, which relates to politics, or the art of 
government, is inconsiderable to the last degree, however 
it may be represented at court by those who preside there, 
and would value themselves upon every step they make 
towards finishing the slavery of that people, as if it were 
gaining a mighty point to the advantage of England. 

Generally speaking, the times which afford most plentiful 
matter for story, are those wherein a man would least choose 
to live ; such as the various events and revolutions of war, 
the intrigues of a ruined faction, or the violence of a pre- 
vailing one: And lastly, the arbitrary unlawful acts of 
oppressing governors. In the war, Ireland has no share 
but in subordination to us ; the same may be said of their 
factions, which at present are but imperfect transcripts of 
ours. But the third subject for history, which is arbitrary 
power and oppression, as it is that whereby the people of 
Ireland have for some time been distinguished from all Her 
Majesty's subjects, so being now at its greatest height under 
his Excellency Thomas Earl of Wharton, a short account of 
his government may be of some use or entertainment to the 
present age, though I hope it will be incredible to the next. 


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And because the relation I am going to make, may be 
judged rather a history of his excellency, than of his govern- 
ment ; I must here declare that I have not the least view to 
his person in any part of it : I have had the honour of much 
conversation with his lordship, and am thoroughly convinced 
how indifferent he is to applause, and how insensible of 
reproach ; which is not a humour put on to serve a turn or 
keep a countenance, not arising from the consciousness of 
his innocence, or any grandeur of mind, but the mere un- 
affected bent of his nature. He is without the sense of 
shame or glory, as some men are without the sense of 
smelling; and therefore a good name to him is no more 
than a precious ointment would be to those. Whoever 
were to describe the nature of a serpent, a wolf, a crocodile, 
or a fox, must be understood to do it for the sake of others, 
without any personal love or hatred for the animals them- 

In the same manner, his excellency is one whom I neither 
personally love or hate; I see him at court, at his own 
house, and sometimes at mine (for I have the honour of his 
visits) ; and when these papers are public, 'tis odds but he 
will tell me, as he once did upon a like occasion, that " he is 
damnably mauled " ; and then with the easiest transition in 
the world, ask about the weather or time of the day ; so 
that I enter on the work with more cheerfulness, because I 
am sure neither to make him angry, nor any way hurt his 
reputation ; a pitch of happiness and security his excellency 
has arrived to, which no philosopher before him could ever 

I intend to execute this performance by first giving a cha- 
racter of his excellency and then relating some facts during 
his government in Ireland, which will serve to confirm it 

I know very well that men's characters are best learnt 
from their actions ; but these being confined to his adminis- 
tration in that kingdom, his character may perhaps take in 
something more, which the narrowness of the time or the 
scene hath not given him opportunity to exert. 

Thomas Earl of Wharton, Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
by the force of a wonderful constitution, hath, some years 
passed his grand climacteric, without any visible effects of 

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old age, either on his body or his mind, and in spite of a 
continual prostitution to those vices which usually wear out 
both. His behaviour is in all the forms of a young man at 
five-and-twenty. Whether he walks, or whistles, or swears, 
or talks bawdy, or calls names, he acquits himself in each 
beyond a templar of three years standing. With the same 
grace and in the same style, he will rattle his coachman in 
the midst of the street, where he is governor of the king- 
dom : and all this is without consequence, because it is in 
his character, and what every body expects. He seems to 
be but an ill dissembler and an ill liar, though they are the 
two talents he most practices, and most values himself upon. 
The ends he has gained by lying, appear to be more owing 
to die frequency than the art of them ; his lies being some- 
times detected in an hour, often in a day, and always in a 
week : He tells them freely in mixed companies, though he 
knows half of those that hear him to be his enemies, and is 
sure they will discover them the moment they leave him. 
He swears solemnly he loves and will serve you, and your 
back is no sooner turned, but he tells those about him, you 
are a dog and a rascal. He goes constantly to prayers in 
the forms of his (dace, and will talk bawdy and blasphemy 
at the chapel door. He is a Presbyterian in politics, and 
an atheist in religion ; but he chooses at present to whore 
with a Papist. In his commerce with mankind, his general 
rule is to endeavour imposing on their understandings, for 
which he has but one receipt, a composition of lies and 
oaths ; and this he applies indifferently to a freeholder of 
forty shillings, and a privy-councillor, by which the easy and 
the honest are often either deceived or amused ; and either 
way he gains his point. He will openly take away your 
employment to-day, because you are not of his party ; to- 
morrow he will meet or send for you, as if nothing at all 
had passed, lay his hands with much friendliness on your 
shoulders, and with the greatest ease and familiarity in the 
world, tell you that the faction are driving at something in 
the House ; that you must be sure to attend, and to speak 
to all your friends to be there, though he knows at the same 
time that you and your friends are against him in that very 
point he mentions: And however absurd, ridiculous, and 
gross, this may appear, he has often found it successful; 

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some men having such an awkward bashfulness they know 
not how to refuse upon a sudden, and every man having 
something to fear or to hope, which often hinders them 
from driving things to extremes with persons of power, what- 
ever provocations they may have received. He hath sunk 
his fortunes by endeavouring to ruin one kingdom, 1 and 
hath raised them by going far in the ruin of another. 3 With 
a good natural understanding, a great fluency in speaking, 
and no ill taste of wit, he is generally the worst companion 
in the world ; his thoughts being wholly taken up between 
vice and politics, so that bawdy, prophaneness, and business 
fill up his whole conversation. To gratify himself in the 
two first, he makes' choice of suitable favourites, whose 
talent reaches no higher than to entertain him with all the 
lewdness that passes in town. As for business, he is said 
to be very dexterous at that part of it which turns upon 
intrigue, and he seems to have transferred the talents of his 
youth for intriguing with women, into public affairs : For, 
as some vain young fellows, to make a gallantry appear of 
consequence, will choose to venture their necks by climbing 
up a wall or window at midnight to a common wench, where 
they might as freely have gone at the door and at noonday; 
so his excellency, either to keep himself in practice, or to 
advance the fame of his politics, affects the most obscure, 
troublesome, and winding paths, even in the commonest 
affairs, those which would as well be brought about in the 
ordinary forms, or which would proceed of course whether 
he intervened or no. 

He bears the gallantries of his lady with the indifference 
of a Stoic, and thinks them well recompensed by a return of 
children to support his family, without the fatigues of being 
a father. 

He has three predominant passions, which you will seldom 
observe united in the same man, as arising from different 
dispositions of mind, and naturally thwarting each other ; 
these are love of power, love of money, and love of plea- 
sure : They ride him sometimes by turns, and sometimes all 
together : Since he went into that kingdom,* he seems most 

1 England. a Ireland. 

8 Later texts print " Ireland " in place of the words " that kingdom." 
[T. S.] 

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disposed to the second, and has met with great success, 
having gained by his government of under two years, five- 
and-forty thousand pounds, by the most favourable com- 
putation, half in the regular way, and half in the prudential. 

He was never yet known to refuse or keep a promise ; as 
I remember he told a lady, but with an exception to the 
promise lie then made, (which was to get her a pension) 
yet he broke even that, and I confess, deceived us both. 
But here, I desire to distinguish between a promise and a 
bargain ; for he will be sure to keep the latter, when he has 
had the fairest offer. 

Thus much for his Excellency's character; I shall now 
proceed to his actions, only during the time he was governor 
of Ireland, which were transmitted to me by an eminent 
person in business there, who had all opportunities of being 
well informed, and whose employment did not lie at his 
Excellency's mercy. 

This intelligence being made up of several facts inde- 
pendent of each other, I shall hardly be able to relate them 
in due order of time, my correspondent omitting that cir- 
cumstance, and transmitting them to me, as they came into 
his memory : So that the gentlemen of that kingdom now 
in town, I hope will pardon me any slips I shall make in 
that or any other kind, while I keep exactly to the truth. 

Thomas Proby, Esq; l surgeon-general of Ireland, a person 
universally esteemed, and whom I have formerly seen here, 
had built a country-house half a mile from Dublin, adjoining 
to the Park. In a corner of the Park, just under his house, 
he was much annoyed with a dog-kennel, which belonged 
to the government ; upon which he applied to Thomas Earl 
of Pembroke, then lord-lieutenant, 3 and to the commissioners 
of the revenue, for a lease of about five acres of that part 
of the Park : His petition was referred to the lord-treasurer 

1 The ancestor of John Joshua Proby, Earl of Carysfort, who was 
ambassador to Berlin in 1800. (T. S.] 

* The Hon. Thomas Herbert (i6s6?-i733), who succeeded his 
brother in 1683 as eighth Earl of Pembroke and fifth Earl of Mont- 
gomery, was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in 1707- 1709. He was the 
first plenipotentiary at the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, and Lord Presi- 
dent of the Council in 1 699-1 701 and 1702-1707. He was sword- 
bearer at the coronation of James II., William and Mary, Anne, 
George I., and George II. [T. S.] 

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here, and sent back for a report, which was in his favour, 
and the bargain so hard, that the lord-treasurer struck off 
some part of the rent He had a lease granted him, for 
which he was to build another kennel, provide ice yearly 
for the government, and pay a certain rent ; the land might 
be worth about thirty shillings an acre. His Excellency, 
soon after his arrival in Ireland, was told of this lease, and 
by his absolute authority commanded Mr. Proby to sur- 
render up the land, which he was forced to do, after all the 
expense he had been at, or else must have expected to lose 
his employment ; at the same time he is under obligation 
to pay his rent, and I think he does it to this day. There 
are several circumstances in this story which I have forgot, 
having not been sent me with the rest, but I had it from a 
gentleman of that kingdom, who some time ago was here in 

Upon his Excellency's being declared lord-lieutenant there 
came over to make his court, one Dr. Lloyd, 1 Fellow of 
Dublin-College, noted in that kingdom for being the only 
clergyman that declared for taking off the sacramental test, 
as he did openly in their convocation where he was a 
member. The merit of this and some other principles 
suitable to it recommended by Tom Brodrick, 2 so far in- 
gratiated him with his Excellency, that being provided of a 
proper chaplain already, he took him however into a great 
degree of favour: The doctor attended his Excellency to 
Ireland, and observing a cast wench in the family to be in 
much confidence with my lady, he thought by addressing 
there, to have a short open passage to preferment He met 
with great success in his amour, and walking one day with 
his mistress after my lord and lady in the Castle Garden, 
my lady said to his Excellency, " What do you think ? we 
are going to lose poor Foidy," (a name of fondness they 
usually gave her). " How do you mean ? " said my lord ; 

1 Eugene or Owen Lloyd, Dean of Connor in 1710. In 1688 he had 
been Junior Dean of Trinity College, Dublin. He died in 1743. [T. S.] 

* Rt. Hon. Thomas Broderick was the elder brother of Alan Broderick, 
'Viscount Midleton, referred to by Swift on p. 23. He was born in 
1654, and sat in Irish House of Commons in 1692 and 1715-1722 for 
Middleton, and in 1695 and 1713 for County Cork. In 1713-1715 he 
sat in the English House of Commons for Stockbridge, and in 1722- 
1727 for Guildford. He died in 173a [T. S.] 

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"Why, the doctor behind us is resolved to take her from 
us : " " Is he, by G— ? Why then, G— d d — mn me, he 
shall have the first bishopric that falls." l The doctor thus 
encouraged, grew a most violent lover, returned with his 
Excellency for England, and soon after, the bishopric of 
Cork a falling void, to shew he meant fair, he married his 
damosel publicly here in London, and his Excellency as 
honourably engaged his credit to get him the bishopric; 
but the matter was reckoned so infamous, that both the 
archbishops here, especially his Grace of York, interposed 
with the Queen to hinder so great a scandal to the church, 
and Dr. Brown, 3 the Provost of Dublin-College being then 
in town, Her Majesty was pleased to nominate him ; so that 
Dr. Lloyd was forced to sit down with a moderate deanery 
in the northern parts of that kingdom, and the additional 
comfort of a sweet lady, who brought this her first husband 
no other portion than a couple of olive-branches for his 
table, though she herself hardly knows by what hand they 
were planted. 

The Queen reserves all the great employments of Ireland 
to be given by herself, though often by the recommendation 
of the chief governor, according to his credit at court. The 
provostship of Dublin-College is of this number, which was 
now vacant upon the promotion of Dr. Brown : Dr. Ben- 
jamin Pratt, 4 a fellow of that college, and chaplain to the 
House of Commons of that kingdom, as well as domestic 

1 It was confidently reported, as a conceit of his Excellency's, that 
talking upon this subject, he once said, with great pleasure, that he 
hoped to make his whore a bishop. [Original Edition.] 

a Scott misprints this as York. [T. S.J 

3 Dr. Peter Brown was educated at Trinity College, Dublin. He 
was made Bishop of Cork and Ross in 1 7 10, and died in 1735. 1° 
1697 he published " A Letter in Reply to John Toland's « Christianity 
not Mysterious.' " He also wrote " The Procedure, Extent, and Limits 
of the Human Understanding" (1728), " Things Divine and Super- 
natural Conceived by Analogy" (1733), and many sermons (1749). 
[T. S.] 

* Dean of Down in 171 7. He was Provost of Trinity College in 
1 7 10, and died in 1721. Cotton, in his "Fasti" (vol. v.), identifies 
Dean Pratt with Benjamin Pratt, LL.D. ; but this is an error. The 
Dean of Down was a Doctor in Divinity, not Laws. There was 
another Benjamin Pratt, who was an LL.D., as a reference to the 
Dublin Catalogue of Graduates will show. [T. S.] 

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chaplain to the Duke of Ormonde, 1 was at that time here in 
attendance upon the duke. He is a gentleman of good 
birth and fortune in Ireland, and lived here in a very decent 
figure : He is a person of wit and learning, has travelled, 
and conversed in the best company; and was very much 
esteemed among us here, where I had the pleasure of his 
acquaintance : But he had the original sin of being a reputed 
Tory, and a dependant on the Duke of Ormonde : How- 
ever, he had many friends among the bishops and other 
nobility, to recommend him to the Queen. At the same 
time there was another fellow of that college, one Dr. Hall, 2 
who had much the advantage of Pratt in point of seniority. 
This gentleman had very little produced himself into the 
world, but lived retired, though otherwise said to be an 
excellent person, and very deserving for his learning and 
sense. He had been recommended from Ireland by several 
persons; and his Excellency, who had never before seen 
nor thought on him in his life, after having tried to injure 
the college by recommending persons from this side, at last 
set up Hall with all imaginable zeal against Pratt. I tell 
this story the more circumstantially, because it is affirmed 
by his Excellency's friends, that he never made more use of 

1 James, second Duke of Ormond, succeeded Wharton as Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland. He had been a Colonel in the second troop 
of Royal Horse Guards in 1689, and had accompanied William III. 
to Holland where, at Landen, he was wounded and taken prisoner. 
He commanded the English soldiers at the wretched expedition to 
Cadiz, that expedition which brought such infamy on British arms. 
He was the friend of Bolingbroke and the patron of Steele. It is to 
him that Steele dedicated his play, "The Lying Lover," and it is of 
him that Dryden spoke in such praise in the dedication to his " Fables." 
With Oxford and Bolingbroke he shared in the impeachment in 1 715, 
and like the latter had not the courage to face his accusers, but fled to 
France, where he spent the rest of his life. With Bolingbroke he be- 
came attached to the Pretender's Court, and failed in an attempt to 
carry the arms of his adopted king into England. He seems to have 
been a man of small abilities, though placed in high positions, because 
of his illustrious ancestry. He was certainly no statesman, and his 
military genius may well rest on the contemptuous criticism of such a 
high authority as the Duke of Berwick. Even in that licentious age . 
Ormond was a licentious man ; yet showed little of the verve, origin C 
ality or strength of character which men of free living often dispTayl 
[T.S.] * * " f 

9 Dr. John Hall became a fellow in 1685. [T. S.] 

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his court skill than at this time, to hinder Dr. Pratt from 
the provostship ; not only from the personal hatred he had 
to the man, upon the account of his patron and principles, 
but that he might return to Ireland with some little opinion 
of his credit at court, which had mightily suffered by many 
disappointments, especially the last, of his chaplain Dr. 
Lloyd. It would be incredible to relate the many artifices 
he used to this end, of which the doctor had daily intelli- 
gence, and would fairly tell his Excellency so at his levees ; 
who sometimes could not conceal his surprise, and then would 
promise, with half a dozen oaths, never to concern himself 
one way or other, these were broke every day, and every 
day detected. One morning, after some expostulations be- 
tween his Excellency and the doctor, and a few additional 
oaths that he would never oppose him any more ; his Ex- 
cellency went immediately to die Bishop of Ely, and pre- 
vailed on him to go to the Queen from him, and let Her 
know, that he never could consent as long as he lived, that 
Dr. Pratt should be provost, which the bishop barely com- 
plied with, and delivered his message, though at the same 
time he did the doctor all the good offices he could. The 
next day, the doctor was again with his Excellency and 
gave him thanks for so open a proceeding ; the affair was 
now past dissembling, and his Excellency confessed that he 
did not directly oppose him, but collaterally he did : The 
doctor a little warmed, said, "No my lord, you mean di- 
rectly you did not, but indirectly you did." The conclusion 
was, that the Queen named the doctor to the place, and as 
a further mortification, just upon the day of his Excellency's 
departure for Ireland. 

But here, I must desire the reader's pardon, if I cannot 
digest the following facts in so good a manner as I intended ; 
because it is thought expedient, for some reasons, that the 
world should be informed of his Excellency's merits as soon 
as possible; I will therefore only transcribe the several 
passages as they were sent me from Dublin, without either 
correcting the style, or adding any remarks of my own. 
As they are, they may serve for hints to any person who 
may hereafter have a mind to write memoirs of his Ex- 
cellency's life. 

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A relation of several facts, exactly as they were transmitted 
to me from Ireland (about three months ago, and) at 
several times, from a person of quality, and in employment 

The Earl of Rochford's l regiment of dragoons was em- 
barked for Her Majesty's service abroad on the 27th of 
August, 1709, and left their horses behind them, which 
were subsisted, in order to mount another regiment to fill 
up their room ; as the horses of Lieutenant-General Harvey's 8 
regiment had formerly mounted a regiment raised, and still 
commanded by the Duke of Ormonde ; on which occasion 
the duke had Her Majesty's order only, for as much money 
as would supply the charge of the horses till the regiment 
was raised, which was scon after, and then it was put on the 
establishment as other regiments, but that which was to 
supply the Earl of Rochford's, had not a commission granted 
till the 29th of April, 17 10, and all the pay, from the 27th 
of August, to that time, being above 5700/. was taken 
under pretence of keeping the horses, buying new ones in 
the room of such as should be wanting or unserviceable, 
and for providing accoutrements for the men and horses : 
As for the last use, those are always provided out of the 
funds for providing clothing, and the Duke of Ormonde 
did so : As for horses wanting they are very few, and the 
captains have orders to provide them another way, and the 
keeping the horses did not come to 700/. by the accounts 
laid before the committee of parliament ; so there was at 
least 5000/. charged to the nation more than the actual 
charge could amount to. 

Mrs. Lloyd, 8 at first coming over, expected the benefit of 

1 William Henry Zulestein de Nassau succeeded his father as second 
Earl of Rochford in 1709. He joined the army in 1702, and fought 
under the Duke of Ormond and the Duke of Marlborough. He was 
killed under Galway at the Battle of Almanza, July 27th, 17 10. [T. S.] 

* Daniel Harvey, son of Sir Daniel Harvey, became a major in 1691 ; 
lieutenant-colonel in 1694 ; colonel in 1695 > brigadier-general in 1703 ; 
major-general in 1704; lieutenant-general in 1707; and general in 
1709. [T.S.] 

3 The "cast wench" already referred to, who became the wife of 
Dr. Lloyd. [T. S.] 

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the box-money, and accordingly talked of selling it for about 
200/. but at last was told, she must expect but part of it, 
and that the grooms of the chambers and other servants 
would deserve a consideration for their attendance. Ac- 
cordingly his Excellency had it brought to him every night, 
and to make it worth his receiving, my lady gave great 
encouragement to play, so that by moderate computation, 
it amounted to near 1000/. of which a small share was given 
to the grooms of the chambers, and the rest made a per- 
quisite to his Excellency, for Mrs. Lloyd having a husband 
and a bishopric promised her, the other pretensions were 
cut off. 

He met Lieutenant-General Langston 1 in the Court of 
Requests, and presented a gentleman to him, saying, " This 
is a particular friend of mine, he tells me he is a lieutenant 
in your regiment; I must desire you will take the first 
opportunity you can to give him a troop, and you will 
oblige me mightily. " The lieutenant-general answered, 
" He had served very well, and had very good pretensions 
to a troop, and that he would give him the first that fell ; " 
with which the gentleman was mighty well satisfied, so re- 
turned thanks and withdrew ; upon which, his Excellency 
immediately said, " I was forced to speak for him, because 
a great many of his friends have votes in elections, but 
damn him, he 's a rogue, therefore take no care for him." 

He brought one May to the Duke of Ormonde, and re 
commended him as a very honest gentleman, and desired 
his grace would provide for him, which his grace promised, 
so May withdrew; as soon as he was gone, his lordship 
immediately said to the duke, " That fellow is the greatest 
rogue in Christendom." 

Colonel Coward a having for some time received pay in 
two or three regiments of the army, as captain, but never 
done any other service to the crown, except eating and 
drinking in the expedition to Cadiz, 8 under the Duke of 

1 General Francis Langston, who died in 1723. [T. S.] 

2 I cannot identify this Coward. [T. S.] 

3 An expedition originally planned by King William III. against 
Philip of Spain, and attempted after his decease on the advice of 
Marlborough. Unfortunately for the expedition the Duke of Ormond 
was not the man to take charge of it. Dissensions between the Dutch 

V. c 

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Ormonde, finding he had not pretensions enough to rise, 
after he had sold the last employment he had, applies to 
his Excellency, who gave him so favourable a report that 
he got above 900/. as an arrear of half-pay, which he had 
no title to, and a pension of 10s. a day, which he reckoning 
as much too little for his wants, as every body else did too 
much for his pretensions, gave in a second petition to the 
Queen for 10$. a day more to be added ; which being re- 
ferred to his Excellency, he gave him a favourable report, 
by means whereof 'tis hoped his merit will be farther 

He turned out the poor gatekeeper at Chapelizod gate, 
though he and his wife were each above sixty years old, 
without assigning any cause, and they are now starving. 

As to the business of the arsenal, it was the product of 
chance, and never so much as thought of by the persons 
who of late have given so many good reasons for the build- 
ing it, till upon enquiring into the funds they were found to 
hold out so well, that there was an absolute necessity of 
destroying about sixty or seventy thousand pounds, other- 
wise his Excellency for that time could hardly have the credit 
of taxing the kingdom. Upon this occasion many projects 
were proposed, all which at last, gave way to a proposal of 
a worthy person, who had often persuaded the nation to do 
itself a great deal of harm, by attempting to do itself a little 
good, which was, That forty thousand arms should be pro- 
vided for the militia, and ammunition in proportion, to be 
kept in four arsenals to be built for that purpose; which 
was accordingly put into the heads of a bill, and then this 
worthy patriot, in his usual sincerity, declared he would not 
consent to the giving money for any other use, as every 
body thought by the words he spoke, though afterwards he 

and English troops, and between the soldiers and sailors, followed by 
a total lack of discipline, produced most disgraceful scenes. Instead of 
proceeding to attack the Spaniards, the army was allowed to waste time 
in disgusting plunder and outrage. "Churches were robbed," says 
Macaulay, "images were pulled down; nuns were violated. The 
officers shared the spoil instead of punishing the spoilers ; and at last 
the armament, loaded, to use the words of Stanhope, ' with a great deal 
of plunder and infamy,' quitted the scene of Essex's glory, leaving the 
only Spaniard of note who had declared for them to be hanged by his 
countrymen." [T. S.] 

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shewed them that his meaning was not to be known by the 
vulgar acceptation of words ; for he not only gave his con- 
sent to the bill, but used all the art and industry he was 
master of to have it pass, though the money was applied in 
it to the building one arsenal, and ammunition and other 
stores proportionable, without one word of the militia : So 
the arsenal was conceived, and afterwards formed in a proper 
manner; but when it came to be brought forth, his Ex- 
cellency took it out of the hands that had formed it, as far 
as he could, and contrary to all precedents, put it out of the 
care of the ordnance board, who were an office to have taken 
care of the receipt and payment of the money, without any 
farther charge to the public ; and appointed his second sec- 
retary, Mr. Denton, to be paymaster, whose salary was a 
charge of above five hundred pounds in the whole ; then 
thinking this too small a charge to put the public to for 
nothing, he made an establishment for that work, consisting 
of one superintendent at three pounds per week, eight over- 
seers at seven pounds four shillings a week, and sixteen 
assistants at seven pounds four shillings a week, making in 
all seventeen pounds eight shillings a week, and these were 
almost all persons that had no knowledge of such business ; 
and their honesty was equal to their knowledge, as it hath 
since appeared by the notorious cheats and neglects that 
have been made out against them, insomuch that the work 
that they have overseen, which, with their salaries, has cost 
near three thousand pounds, might have been done for less 
than eighteen hundred pounds, if it had been agreed for by 
the yard, which is the usual method, and was so proposed in 
the estimate ; and this is all a certainty, because all that has 
been done, is only removing earth, which has been exactly 
computed by the yard, and might have been so agreed for. 
Philip Savage, Esq; l as chancellor of the exchequer, de- 
manded fees of the commissioners of the revenue, for sealing 
writs in the Queen's business, and shewed them for it some 
sort of precedents ; but they not being well satisfied with 
them, wrote to Mr. South, one of the commissioners (then 
in London) to enquire the practice there ; he sent them word 

1 Represented county Wexford in the Irish Parliament from 1692 to 
1714. He was Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland from 1695 to 
1717. [T.S.] 

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upon enquiry, that fees were paid in the like cases there ; so 
they adjudged it for him, and constantly paid him fees. If 
therefore that was a fault, it must lie at their door, for he 
never offered to stop the business ; yet his Excellency knew 
so well how to choose an attorney and solicitor-general, that 
when the case was referred to them, they gave it against the 
chancellor, and said, he had forfeited his place by it, and 
ought to refund the money (being about two hundred pounds 
per annum). But never found any fault in the commissioners 
who adjudged the case for him, and might have refused him 
the money if they had thought fit. 

Captain Robert Fitzgerald, 1 father to the present Earl of 
Kildare, had a grant from King Charles the Second of the 
office of comptroller of the musters, during the lives of 
Captain Chambre Brabazon, 2 now Earl of Meath, and George 
Fitzgerald, elder brother to the present Earl of Kildare, 
which the said Robert Fitzgerald enjoyed, with a salary of 
three hundred pounds per annum ; and after his death, his 
son George enjoyed it, till my Lord Galway 3 did, by threats, 

1 The Hon. Robert FitzGerald (1639 ?-i69$) was the youngest son of 
the sixteenth Earl of Kildare, father of the nineteenth earl, and grand- 
father of the Duke of Leinster. In the reign of James II. his estates 
were sequestered. He married in 1663. In 1690, after the battle of 
the Boyne, he saved Dublin from being sacked. He was the author of 
two publications : "Salt Water Sweetened " (1683), and "A Full and 
True Account of the Late Revolution in Dublin " (1690)/ [T. S.] 

a The Hon. Chambre Brabazon (1645?- 171 5) was the youngest son of 
the second Earl of Meath. He succeeded his brother as fifth earl in 
1707. He sat for Dublin in the Irish Parliament in 1692, and was 
made a Privy Councillor in 17 10. He fought as a captain of horse in 
1689. [T. S.] 

* Henry de Massue, Marquis de Ruvigny (1648- 1720), was born in 
Paris. He came to England in 1688, and in 1692 was appointed Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the forces in Ireland. In 1704 he was made a 
general, and commanded the English army in Portugal in 1704- 1705, 
and in Spain in 1706- 1709. He was a Lord Justice of Ireland (1697- 
1701 and 1715-1716), was created Viscount Galway in 1692, and earl in 
1697. His campaigns in Portugal were extremely unfortunate, since 
he was defeated at Almanza and at La Gudifia; and although a far 
more experienced soldier than the intrepid and wayward Peterborough, 
whom he succeeded, he was, like him, finally recalled, and had to 
defend himself before the House of Lords. In spite of Marlborough's 
championship of his friend, a Vote of Censure was passed on Galway, 
while Peterborough received a Vote of Thanks. See Coxe's " Marl- 
borough " (Bonn's Library), Lord Mahon's " History of the Reign of 

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compel him to surrender the said patent, for a pension of 
two hundred pounds per annum, which he enjoyed during 
his life. Some time ago the present Earl of Kildare, as heir 
to his father and brother, looked upon himself to be injured 
by the surrender of the said patent, which should have come 
to him, the Earl of Meath being still alive ; therefore, in 
order to right himself, did petition Her Majesty, which 
petition, as usual, was referred to the Earl of Wharton, the 
lord-lieutenant, who being then in London, according to the 
common method on such occasions, referred it to the lord 
chancellor and Lieutenant-General Ingoldsby, 1 the then lords 
justices of this kingdom, who, for their information, ordered 
the attorney-general to inquire whether the Earl of Kildare 
had any legal title to the said patent, which he in a full 
report said he had : And they referred it to the deputy vice- 
treasurer to inquire into the nature of the office, and to give 
them his opinion, whether he thought it useful and necessary 
for Her Majesty's service ; he gave in his report, and said, 
He thought it was both useful and necessary, and with more 
honesty than wit, gave the following reasons : First, that the 
muster-master-general computed the pay of the whole military 
list, which is above 200,000/. per annum, so having no check 
on him, might commit mistakes, to the great prejudice of 
the crown : And Secondly, because he had himself found 
out several of those mistakes, which a comptroller might 
prevent. The lords justices approved of these reasons, and 
so sent over their report to my lord-lieutenant, that they 

thought the office useful and necessary. But Colonel P r 2 

the muster-master-general being then in London, and having 
given my lord-lieutenant one thousand pounds for his con- 
sent to enjoy that office, after he had got Her Majesty's orders 
for a patent, thought a check upon his office would be a 

Queen Anne," vol. ii., and Macaulay's " Review of ' Mahon's War of 
the Succession in Spain " (" Essays/' vol. ii., 1898). [T. S.] 

1 Richard Ingoldsby entered the army in 1667, and became lieutenant- 
general in 1704. He fought under William III. and Marlborough. 
He was a Lord Justice of Ireland (1709-1712), and died in Dublin in 
1712. [T. S.] 

1 This may be the Colonel Pepper mentioned by Froude in his 
" English in Ireland." There was a John Pepper who was a brigadier- 
general at the time Swift wrote ; but if he be the same person Swift 
would certainly have given him his proper title. [T. S.] 

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troublesome spy upon him, so he pleaded the merit of his 
thousand pounds, and desired, that in consideration thereof, 
his Excellency would free him from an office that would put 
it out of his power to wrong the crown ; and to strengthen 
his pretensions, put my lady in mind of what money he had 
lost to her at play ; who immediately, out of a grateful sense 
of benefits received, railed as much against the lords justices' 
report, as ever she had done against the Tories ; and my 
lord-lieutenant prompted by the same virtue, made his report, 
that there needed no comptroller to that office, because he 
controlled it himself, which (now having given his word for 
it) he will beyond all doubt, effectually do for the future ; 
though since, it plainly has been made appear, that for want 
of some control on that office, Her Majesty has been wronged 
of many hundred pounds by the roguery of a clerk ; and 
that during the time of his Excellency's government, of which 
there has been but a small part refunded, and the rest has 
not been inquired after, for fear it should make it plainly 
appear that a comptroller in that office is absolutely ne- 

His Excellency being desirous, for a private reason, to 
provide for the worthless son of a worthless father, who had 
lately sold his company, and of course all pretensions to 
preferment in the army, took this opportunity. A captain 
in the oldest regiment in the kingdom, being worn out with 
service, desired leave to sell, which was granted him, and 
accordingly for a consideration agreed upon, he gave a resig- 
nation of his company to a person approved of by the com- 
mander of the regiment, who at the same time applied to 
his Excellency for leave for another captain of his regiment, 
who is an engineer in Her Majesty's service in Spain, and 
absent by Her Majesty's licence; his Excellency hearing 
that, said they might give him a company in Spain, for he 
would dispose of his here ; and so notwithstanding all the 
commander of the regiment could urge, he gave the com- 
pany that was regularly surrendered, to his worthy favourite ; 
and the other company, that was a disputable title, to 
the gentleman that paid his money for that which was sur- 

Talking one morning as he was dressing (at least a dozen 
people present) of the debates in council about the affair of 

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Trim, 1 he said the Lord Chief Justice Dolben * had laid down 
as law, a thing for which a man ought to have his gown 
stript off, and be whipt at the cart-arse ; and in less than a 
quarter of an hour repeated the expression again ; yet some 
days after, sent Dr. Lambert 8 to assure his lordship he said 
no such thing. Some time after while he was in England, 
he made it his utmost efforts with the Queen to turn him 
out, but could not. So when he came once again he took 
an opportunity (when the judges were to wait on him) to say 
to them, particularly Lord Chief Justice Dolben, that per- 
haps some officious persons would spread stories that he had 
endeavoured to do some of 'em a prejudice in England, 
which he assured them he never had ; but on the contrary, 
would always, without distinction, shew every body his favours 
as they behaved themselves ; 4 which the Lord Chief Justice 
Brodrick was pleased to approve of, by saying, " That was 
very honourable, that was very gracious," though he knew 
the contrary himself. 

In England he bid Mr. Deering 5 assure all his friends and 
acquaintance here, that they and every body, without dis- 
tinction, might depend on his favour as they behaved them- 
selves ; with which Mr. Deering was much pleased, and wrote 
over to his friends accordingly. And as soon as his back 
was turned, he jeeringly said, " Damn me, how easily he is 

When the Duke of Ormonde was in the government, he 
gave to Mr. Anderson Saunders 6 the government of Wicklow 

1 See "Journal to Stella" (November 30th, 17 10), also note on 
p. 63 of the present edition of the "Journal/' [T. S.] 

2 Scott notes this as being Sir William Dolben, Bart., Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas in 1714-1720, but Sir William died in 
1694. This reference must be to Sir Gilbert Dolben, or Dolbyn, eldest 
son of John Dolben, Archbishop of York (1658-1722), who was Justice 
of the Common Pleas from 1701-1720. Beatson's "Political Index," 
however, gives his name as " Sir William Dolben, Bart." [T. S.] 

8 Robert Lambert was of Trinity College, and chaplain to Lord 
Wharton in 1708. He was Dean of Down in 1709, Bishop of Dromore 
in 1717, and Bishop of Meath in 172^173^. He died in 173J. He 
published several sermons and pamphlets. [T. S.] 
* Later texts have : " show his regard according to merit" (T. S.] 
5 Dr. Heneage Dering, afterwards Dean of Ripon. [T. S.] 
8 Anderson Saunders represented Toghmor m the Irish House of 
Commons from 1692 till 1717. He died m 1719. [T. S.] 

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Castle, which has no salary, but a perquisite of some land 
worth about 12/. per annum, which Mr. Saunders gave to the 
free-school of the town ; but his Excellency not liking either 
the person or the use, without any ceremonies or reason 
given, superseded him, by giving a commission for it to 
Jennings the horse-courser, who lies under several odious 
and scandalous reflections, particularly of very narrowly 
escaping the gallows for coining. 

Some time after his Excellency's landing the second time, 
he sent for Mr. Saunders among others, desiring their good 
offices in the ensuing session, and that Mr. Saunders would 
not take amiss his giving that place to Jennings, for he 
assured him he did not know it belonged to him ; which is 
highly probable, because men of his knowledge use to give 
away things without enquiring how they are in their disposal 
Mr. Saunders answered, " He was very glad to find what was 
done, was not out of any particular displeasure to him, be- 
cause Mr. Whitshed l had said at Wicklow (by way of apology 
for what his Excellency had done) that it was occasioned by 
Mr. Saunders's having it ; and seeing his Excellency had no 
ill intention against him, was glad he could tell his Excellency 
it was not legally given away, (for he had a custodium for the 
land out of the Court of Exchequer) ; so his Excellency's 
commission to Jennings could do him no prejudice/ 1 

Lieutenant-General Echlin a had pay on this establishment 
as brigadier, to the middle of October, 1708, at which time 
he was removed from it by his Excellency, because his 
regiment went away at that time, and Lieutenant-General 
Gorges 8 was put in his room. Some time after Major- 
General Rooke,* considering the reason why Echlin was re- 
moved, concluded that Gorges could not come on, till some 

1 This is the Lord Chief Justice Whitshed (i656?-i727) with whom 
Swift had more to do during the famous agitation on Drapier's Letters. 
[T. S.] 

* Robert Echlin who represented Monaghan borough from 1695 till 
1699. He was made lieutenant-general in 1707. [T. S.] 

* Richard Gorges (died 1728) was quartermaster-general for Ireland 
in 1700. He represented successively Bandon Bridge and Ratoath in 
the Irish Parliament, and married, as his second wife, the widow of the 
fourth Earl of Meath. [T. S.] 

4 Heyman Rooke (1653-172$) was made major-general in 171a 
[T. S.] 

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time in February after, because his regiment also was out of 
the kingdom till that time ; and that therefore he being the 
eldest general officer that had no pay as such, was entituled 
to the brigadier's pay, from the time Echlin was not qualified 
to receive it, till Gorges was qualified to receive it, he having 
done the duty. His Excellency upon hearing the reason, 
owned it to be a very good one, and told him if the money 
were not paid to Gorges he should have it ; so bid him go 
see, which he did, and found it was ; then his Excellency 
told him, he would refer his case to the court of general 
officers to give their opinion in it, which he said must needs 
be in his favour, and upon that ground he would find a way 
to do him right ; yet when the general officers sat he sent 
for several of them, and made them give the case against 

When the prosecution against the dissenting minister at 
Drogheda was depending, one Stevens a lawyer in this town 
(Dublin), sent his Excellency, then in London, a petition in 
the name of the said dissenting minister, in behalf of himself 
and others, who lay under any such prosecution ; and in 
about a fortnight's time his Excellency sent over a letter to 
the then lords justices, to give the attorney and solicitor- 
general orders, to enter nolle prosequi *s to all such suits ; 
which was done accordingly, though he never so much as 
inquired into the merits of the cause, or referred the petition 
to any body, which is a justice done to all men, let the case 
be never so light. He said he had Her Majesty's orders for 
it, but they did not appear under her hand, and it is generally 
affirmed he never had any. 

That his Excellency can descend to small gains, take this 
instance. There was 850/. ordered by Her Majesty to buy 
liveries for the state trumpets, messengers, &c. ; but with 
great industry he got them made cheaper by 200/. which he 
saved out of that sum ; and 'tis reported that his steward got 
a handsome consideration out of the undertaker besides. 

The agent to his regiment being so also to others, bought 
a lieutenant's commission in a regiment of foot, for which he 
never was to do any duty, which service pleased his Excel- 
lency so well, that he gave him leave to buy a company, and 
would have had him kept both ; but before his pleasure was 
known, the former was disposed of. 

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The lord-lieutenant has no power to remove or put in a 
solicitor-general without a Queen's letter, it being one of 
those employments excepted out of his commission ; yet be- 
cause Sir Richard Levinge l disobliged him by voting accord- 
ing to his opinion, he removed him, and put in Mr. Forster, 2 
though he had no Queen's letter for so doing ; only a letter 
from Mr. Secretary Boyle that Her Majesty designed to re- 
move him. 

The privy council in Ireland have a great share of the 
administration ; all things being carried by the consent of a 
majority, and they sign all orders and proclamations made 
there, as well as the chief governor ; but his Excellency dis- 
liked so much share of power in any beside himself; and 
when matters were debated in council otherwise than he 
approved, he would stop them and say, " Come, my lords, 
I see how your opinions are, and therefore I will not take 
your votes ; " and so would put an end to the dispute. 

One of his chief favourites was a scandalous clergyman, a 
constant companion of his pleasures, who appeared publicly 
with his Excellency, but never in his habit, and who was a 
hearer and sharer of all the lewd and blasphemous discourses 
of his Excellency and his cabal. His Excellency presented 
this worthy divine to one of the bishops with the following 

recommendation : " My lord, Mr. is a very honest 

fellow, and has no fault, but that he is a little too immoral" 
He made this man chaplain to his regiment, though he had 
been so infamous that a bishop in England refused to admit 
him to a living that he was presented to, till the patron 
forced him to it by law. 

His Excellency recommended the Earl of Inchiquin * to 

1 The Rt. Hon. Sir Richard Levinge, or Levintz (1656?- 1724), was 
Solicitor-General for Ireland in 1690- 1695 and 1704-1709, Attorney- 
General in 1711-1714, and Lord Chief Justice of Common Pleas in 
1 720- 1 724. Previous to holding office in Ireland he had been Recorder 
of Chester, which city he also represented in the English House of 
Commons in 1690- 1692. He afterwards sat in the Irish House of 
Commons for several boroughs, and, for a time (1692), was also its 
Speaker. [T. SJ 

2 Recorder of the city of Dublin (1710), and afterwards (in 17 14) 
Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. His name is also spelt 
"Foster." [T. S.] 

8 William O'Brien succeeded his father as third Earl of Inchiquin in 

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be one of the lords justices in his absence, and was much 
mortified, when he found Lieutenant-General Ingoldsby 
appointed, without any regard to his recommendations ; par- 
ticularly, because the usual salary to a lord justice in the 
lord-lieutenant's absence is ioo/. per month, and he had 
bargained with the earl to be content with 40/. 

I will send you, in a packet or two, some particulars of his 
Excellency's usage of the convocation ; of his infamous in- 
trigues with Mrs. Coningsby ; * an account of his arbitrary 
proceedings about the election of a mayor in Trim ; * his 
selling the place of a privy-councillor and commissioner of 
the revenue to Mr. Conolly; 3 his barbarous injustice to 
Dean Jephson, and poor Will. Crow ; * his deciding a case at 
hazard to get my lady 20 guineas, but in so scandalous and 
unfair a manner, that the arrantest sharper would be ashamed 
of; the common custom of playing on Sunday in my lady's 
closet; the partie carrhe between her ladyship and Mrs. 
Fl -d, and two young fellows dining privately and fre- 
quently at Clontarf, where they used to go in a hackney 
coach ; and his Excellency making no scruple of dining in a 
hedge tavern whenever he was invited; with some other 
passages, which I hope you will put into some method, and 
correct the style, and publish as speedily as you can. 

1692. He was successively Governor of Kinsale and Clare. He was 
born about the year 1662, and died at Rostellon Castle, Cork, in 17 19. 
[T. S.] 

1 To this intrigue may probably belong the charge in the " Examiner," 
No. XVII., that, " on a day set apart for public prayer for the safety 
of the commonwealth, he stole at evening in a chair to a married 
woman of infamous character, against all decency and prudence, as 
well as against all laws, both human and divine." [S.] 

* The disputes about the Trim elections are often mentioned in the 
Journal to Stella. [S.] 

8 Afterwards Speaker. "Conolly is out, and Mr. Roberts in his 
place. — That employment cost Conolly three thousand pounds to Lord 
Wharton, so he has made one ill bargain in his life."— -Journal, 28th 
September, 17 10. [S.] 

* Michael Jephson was of Trinity College, where he graduated M. A. 
in 1679. He was Dean of St Patrick's in 1691, and died in 1694. 
One of his daughters married the youngest son of the third Earl of 
Inchiquin. Dr. William Crowe represented Dublin University in the 
Irish Parliament. At the time Swift wrote he was M.P. for Blessing- 
ton, a town of which he had, a few years before, been the recorder. 

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Note> Mr. Savage, beside the persecution about his fees 
before-mentioned, was turned out of the council for giving 
his vote in parliament, in a case where his Excellency's own 
friends were of the same opinion, till they were wheedled or 
threatened out of it by his Excellency. 

The particulars before mentioned I have not yet received ; 
whenever they come, I shall publish them in a Second Part. 

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William Gregg was a clerk in Harley's office when the latter was 
Secretary of State. Harley also employed him to spy for him in Scot- 
land ana other places. In this way he became possessed of information 
the importance of which tempted him, for the sake of gain, to open 
treasonable communication with M. de Chamillart, the French Secre- 
tary of State, and betray to him the secrets of the British Government. 
According to Lord Mahon, "he was wont to slip his letters into the 
packets which Marshal Tallard, as a prisoner in England, used to send 
unsealed to the Secretary's office, to be there examined and then for- 
warded. One of these packets, being on some suspicion opened in 
Holland, was found to contain the copy of a draft, which Gregg trans- 
mitted, of a letter which it was designed the Queen should write in her 
own hand to the Emperor, requesting him, according to the wish ex- 
pressed in Parliament, to appoint Prince Eugene to Spain." Gregg 
was immediately placed in prison, and a Committee of seven Lords 
appointed for his examination. The committee consisted of the 
Dukes of Devonshire, Somerset, and Bolton, the Earl of Wharton, 
Lord Viscount Townsend, Lord Somers, and Lord Halifax. There is 
little doubt that this committee was chosen with a view to implicate 
Harley in the matter, and its subsequent proceedings go to justify this. 
Gregg was examined over and over again, and even alter he had been 
tried and condemned (19th January, 1708-9), he was respited for 
further examination. Gregg, however, stuck to his declaration that he 
was alone in his work, and that he had acted as he had from purely 
mercenary motives. Even in his dying speech he made the same 
declaration. But the committee kept on, and thus overshot their mark. 
Their persistence roused public indignation against them, and people 
forgot the justification of their existence in the seeming cruelty of their 
behaviour. Later, when Harley as Treasurer was wounded by Guiscard, 
Swift, in the " Examiner," referred to this Gregg incident to show the 
treacherous means employed by Harley's enemies, and cited the case 
as a parallel to the Guiscard incident. To the two " Examiners" 
(Nos. XXXII. and XXXIII.) the " Medley " replied in its No. XXVI. 
From the pages of the journals the controversy was carried into pamphlet 
form, and a Francis Hoffman, in his " Secret Transactions during the 
hundred days Mr. William Gregg lay in Newgate under sentence of 
death for high treason," pretty plainly stated the charge against the 
seven lords. He printed also a copy of Gregg's dying statement, " and 
a letter from the Rev. Mr. Paul Lorraine, the ordinary of Newgate, 
stating the solicitations which had been used with Gregg while in 
prison, and his uniform and solemn exculpation of Harley." 

The reply to this pamphlet was "A Letter to the Seven Lords of the 
Committee appointed to examine Gregg," in which it was attempted to 
clear the lords of the charges brought against them both by Swift and 
Hoffman. Swift now entered into the controversy with the present 
" Remarks." In his letter to Stella, under date August 24th, 171 1, he 
writes : " There is a pamphlet come out in answer to a Letter to the 
Seven Lords who examined Gregg. The answer is by the real author 
of the ' Examiner,' as I believe, for it is very well written." 

The present reprint of Swift's pamphlet is based on the original 
edition, published by John Morphew, and compared with the reprint 
in the Somers's " Collection of Tracts " (vol. iii). 

[T. S.] 

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U P O N A 


E N T I T L ' D, 

[A Letter to the Seven Lords 
of the Committee ) appointed 
to Examine Gregg. J 

By the Author of the EXAMINER. 


Printed for John Morp&ew, near Statio- 
ners-Hall. 1 7 1 1 . ( Price 3 d. ) 

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THOSE who have given themselves the trouble to write 
against me, either in single papers, or pamphlets, (and 
they are pretty numerous) do all agree in discovering a 
violent rage, and at the same time affecting an air of con- 
tempt toward their adversary ; which, in my humble opinion, 
are not very consistent ; and therefore it is plain, that their 
fury is real and hearty, their contempt only personated. I 
have pretty well studied this matter, and would caution 
writers of their standard, never to engage in that difficult 
attempt of despising, which is a work to be done in cold 
blood, and only by a superior genius to one at some distance 
beneath him. I can truly affirm, I have had a very sincere 
contempt for many of those who have drawn their pens 
against me ; yet I rather chose the cheap way of discovering 
it by silence and neglect, than be at the pains of new terms 
to express it : I have known a lady value herself upon a 
haughty disdainful look, which very few understood, and 
nobody alive regarded. Those common-place terms of 
"infamous scribbler," ^ prostitute libeller," and the like, 
thrown abroad without propriety or provocation, do ill per- 
sonate the true spirit of contempt, because they are such as 
the meanest writer whenever he pleases, may use, towards 
the best. 1 I remember indeed a parish fool, who, with a 

1 In the "Letter" the writer of the "Examiner" was styled "an 
abandoned wretch, the scum of mankind." [T. S.] 
V. D 

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great deal of deformity carried the most disdainful look I 
ever observed in any countenance; and it was the most 
prominent part of his folly ; but he was thoroughly in earnest, 
which these writers are not : For there is another thing I 
would observe, that my antagonists are most of them so, in 
a literal sense; breathe real vengeance, and extend their 
threats to my person, if they knew where to find it ; wherein 
they are so far from despising, that I am sensible they do me 
too much honour. The author of the " Letter to the Seven 
Lords," takes upon him the three characters of a despiser, a 
threatener, and a railer ; and succeeds so well in the two 
last, that it has made him miscarry in the first. It is no 
unwise proceeding which the writers of that side have taken 
up, to scatter their menaces in every paper they publish ; it 
. may perhaps look absurd, ridiculous and impudent in people 
at mercy to assume such a style ; but the design is right, to 
endeavour persuading the world that it is they who are the 
injured party, that they are the sufferers, and have a right to 
be angry. 

However, there is one point wherein these gentlemen seem 
to stretch this wise expedient a little farther than it will allow. 
I, who for several months undertook to examine into the late 
management of persons and things, was content sometimes 
to give only a few hints of certain matters, which I had 
charity enough to wish might be buried for ever in oblivion, 
if the confidence of these people had not forced them from 
me. One instance whereof, among many, is the business of 
Gregg, the subject of a letter I am now considering. If this 
piece hath been written by direction, as I should be apt to 
suspect ; yet I am confident, they would not have us think 
so, because it is a sort of challenge, to let the world into the 
whole secret of Gregg's affair. But I suppose they are con- 
fident, it is what I am not master of; wherein 'tis odds but 
they may be mistaken ; for I believe, the memorials of that 
transaction are better preserved than they seem to be aware 
of, as perhaps may one day appear. 

This writer is offended because I have said so many 
severe things with application to particular persons. The 
"Medley "* has been often in the same story : If they condemn 

1 A Whig newspaper established in opposition to the •'Examiner." 
It was edited by Mainwaring and Oldmixon. " Not the Meddle" writes 

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it as a crime in general, I shall not much object, at least I 
will allow it should be done with truth and caution ; but by 
what argument will they undertake to prove that it is par- 
donable on one side, and not on t'other? Since the late 
change of ministry, I have observed many of that party take 
up a new style, and tell us, That " this way of personal re- 
flection ought not to be endured; they could not approve 
of it ; 'twas against charity and good manners." When the 
Whigs were in power, they took special care to keep their 
adversaries silent ; then all kind of falsehood and scurrility, 
was " doing good service to the cause, and detecting of evil 
principles." Now, that the face of things is changed, and 
we have liberty to retort upon them, they are for calling down 
fire from heaven upon us ; though by a sort of indulgence 
which they were strangers to, we allow them equal liberty of 
the press with ourselves ; and they even now make greater 
use of it against persons in highest power and credit, than 
we do against those who have been discarded for the most 
infamous abuse of both. 

Who encouraged and rewarded the " Observator " and 
" Review " a for many years together, in charging the whole 
body of the clergy with the most odious crimes and opinions ? 
In declaring all who took oaths to the government, and 
called themselves Tories, to be worse than papists and non- 
jurors? In exposing the universities, as seminaries of the 
most pernicious principles in church and state ? In defending 
the Rebellion, and the murder of King Charles I. which 
they asserted to be altogether as justifiable as the late Revolu- 
tion ? Is there a great man now in power, or in any credit 
with the Queen, whom those worthy undertakers have not 
treated by name in the most ignominious manner? Even 
since this great change of affairs, with what amazing licen- 
tiousness hath the writer of the " Medley " attacked every 
person of the present ministry, the Speaker of the House of 

Swift banteringly to Stella, "but the Medley, you fool. Yes, yes, a 
wretched thing, because it is against you Tories : now I think it very 
fine, and the ' Examiner ' a wretched thing." In 17 12 the " Medley " 
was amalgamated with the " Flying Post, and managed by " a Scotch 
rogue, one Ridpatb." IT. S.] 

1 The " Observator and " Review " were edited respectively by 
John Tutchin and Daniel Defoe. See note on p. 8, vol. iv., of pre- 
sent edition. [T. S.] 

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Commons, and the whole senate? He has turned into 
ridicule the results of the council and the parliament, as well 
as the just and generous endeavours of the latter to pay the 
debts and restore the credit of the nation, almost ruined by 
the corruption and management of his own party. 

And are these the people who complain of personal re- 
flections? Who so confidently invoke the men in power 
(whom they have so highly obliged) to punish or silence me 
for reflecting on their exploded heroes ? Is there no differ- 
ence between men chosen by the prince, reverenced by the 
people for their virtue, and others rejected by both for the 
highest demerits? Shall the " Medley " and his brothers fly 
out with impunity against those who preside at the helm ; 
and am I to be torn in pieces because I censure others, who 
for endeavouring to split the vessel against a rock, are put 
under the hatches. 

I now proceed to the pamphlet which I intend to consider : 
It is a Letter written to seven great men, 1 who were appointed 
to examine Gregg in Newgate. The writer tells their lord- 
ships, that the " Examiner " a hath charged them for " en- 
deavouring by bribery and subornation of that criminal to 
take away Mr. Harley's 8 life." If there be any thing among 
the papers I have writ, which may be applied to these per- 
sons, it would have become this author to have cleared them 
fully from the accusation, and then he might at leisure have 
fallen upon me as a liar and misrepresenter ; but of that he 
has not offered a syllable : The weight of his charge lies 
here ; that such an author as the " Examiner " should pre- 
sume, by certain innuendoes, to accuse any great persons of 
such a crime. My business in those papers was to represent 
facts, and I was as sparing as possible of reflecting upon 
particular persons ; but the mischief is, that the readers have 

1 These were the Dukes of Devonshire, Somerset, and Bolton, the 
Earl of Wharton, Lord Viscount Townshend, Lord Somers, and Lord 
Halifex. [T. S.] 

2 A weekly Tory paper which first appeared on August 3rd, 1 7 10. 
Swift managed it from No. 14 (November 2nd, 1710) to the forty-fifth 
issue (June 7th, 1711). For a full account of the "Examiner " see note 
prefixed to the volume containing Swift's contributions to that periodical. 
[T. S.] 

3 Robert Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford (1661-1724), the last of 
our Lord High Treasurers. He was a great friend of Swift. [T. S.] 

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always found names to tally with those facts ; and I know 
no remedy for this. As for instance in the case here before 
us. An under clerk in the secretary's office, of 50/. a year, 
is discovered to hold correspondence with France, and ap- 
prehended by his master's order, before he could have oppor- 
tunity to make his escape, by the private warning of a certain 
person, a professed enemy to the secretary. The criminal 
is condemned to die. Tis found, upon his trial, that he 
was a poor profligate fellow ; the secretary at that time was 
under the mortal hatred of a violent prevailing party, who 
dreaded him for his great abilities, and his avowed design to 
break their destructive measures. It was very well known, 
that a secretary of state hath little or no intercourse with the 
lower clerks, but with the under secretaries, who are the 
more immediate masters of those clerks, and are, and ought 
to be, as they then were, gentlemen of worth : However, it 
would pass well enough in the world, that Gregg was em- 
ployed in Mr. Secretary Harley's office, and was consequently 
one of his clerks, which would be ground enough to build 
upon it what suggestions they pleased. Then for the criminal, 
he was needy and vicious : He owed his death to the sec- 
retary's watchful pursuit of him, and would therefore probably 
incline to hearken to any offers that would save his life, 
gratify his revenge, and make him easy in his fortune : So 
that if a work of darkness were to be done, it must be con- 
fessed, here were proper motives, and a proper instrument. 
But ought we to suspect any persons of such a diabolical 
practice? Can all faith, and honour, and justice be thus 
violated by men? Questions proper for a pulpit, or well 
becoming a philosopher ; but what if it were regnandi causa f 
(and that perhaps in a literal sense) Is this an age of the 
world to think crimes improbable because they are great? 
Perhaps it is : But what shall we say to some of those cir- 
cumstances which attended this fact ? Who gave rise to this 
report against Mr. Harley ? Will any of his enemies confess 
in cold blood that they did either believe, suspect or imagine, 
the secretary, and one of the under clerks, to be joined in 
corresponding with France ? Some of them, I should think, 
knew better what belonged to such a correspondence, and 
how it ought to be managed. The nature of Gregg's crime 
was such, as to be best performed without any accomplices 

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at all : It was, to be a spy here for the French, and to tell 
them all he knew ; and it appears by his letters that he never 
had it in his power to let them into any thing of importance. 
The copy of the Queen's letter to the emperor, which he sent 
to the enemy, and hath made such a noise, was only to de- 
sire, that Prince Eugene might be employed to command in 
Spain, which for six weeks before had been mentioned in all 
the Gazettes of Europe. l It was evident from the matter of his 
letters, that no man of consequence could have any share in 
them. The whole affair had been examined in the cabinet, two 
months before, and there found and reported as only affect- 
ing the person of Gregg, who to supply his vices and his 
wants was tempted to engage in that correspondence ; it is 
therefore hard to conceive, how that examination should be 
resumed after such a distance of time, with any fair or hon- 
ourable intention. Why were not Gregg's examinations 
published, which were signed by his own hand, and had 
been taken in the cabinet two months before the committee 
of the House was appointed to re-examine him ? Why was 
he pressed so close to cry out with horror, "Good God, 
would you have me accuse Mr. Harley when he is wholly 
innocent ? " Why were all the answers returned to the queries 
sent him, immediately burned ? I cannot in my conscience 
but think, that the party was bound in honour to procure 
Gregg a pardon, which was openly promised him, upon con- 
dition of making an ingenuous confession, unless they had 
some other notions of what is ingenuous, than is commonly 
meant by that word. A confession may be never the less 
ingenuous, for not answering the hopes or designs of those 
who take it ; but though the word was publicly used, the 
definition of it was reserved to private interpretation, and by 
a capricious humour of fortune, a most flagitious, though 
repenting villain, was hanged for his virtue. It could not 
indeed consist with any kind of prudence then in fashion, to 
spare his life, and thereby leave it in his power at any time 
to detect their practices, which he might afterwards do at 
any time, with so much honour to himself. 

But I have the luck to be accused by this author in very 

1 The letter was drawn by Erasmus Lewis, Swift's friend, and cor- 
rected by Harley, who was then secretary. 

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good company ; the two Houses of Parliament in general, 
and the Speaker of the House of Commons in particular ; 
whom he taxes with falsehood and absurdity, as well as my- 
self, though in a more respectful manner, and by a sort of 
irony. The whole kingdom had given the same interpreta- 
tion that I had done, to some certain passages in the address 
from both Houses, upon the attempt of Guiscard ; friends 
and enemies agreed in applying the word " faction." But 
the Speaker, is much clearer ; talks (as I have mentioned in 
another place) of "some unparalleled attempts, and uses 
other terms that come pretty home to the point. As to what 
the Parliament affirms, this author makes it first as absurd 
and impracticable as he can, and then pretends to yield, as 
" pressed by so great an authority," and explains their mean- 
ing into nonsense, in order to bring them off from reflecting 
upon his party. Then for the Speaker, this writer says, 
" he is but a single man," and because his speech was in 
words too direct to avoid, 1 he advises him to "save his 
honour and virtue, by owning a solecism in speech," and to 
" write less correctly, rather than mean maliciously." What 
an expedient this advocate hath found to remove the load of 
an accusation! He answers, "The crime is horrible; that 
great men ought not to be thus insolently charged : " We 
reply, that the Parliament and Speaker appear, in many 
points, to be of the same opinion : He rejoins, that " he is 
pressed by too great an authority ; " that perhaps those wise 
assemblies, and that honourable gentleman, (who besides " is 
but a single man") may probably speak nonsense; they 
must either deliver a solecism, or be malicious, and in good 
manners he rather thinks it may be the former. 

The writer of the Letter having thus dispatched the 
" Examiner," falls next upon a paper called " Secret Trans- 
actions," &c. written, as he tells us, by one Francis Hoffman, 2 
and the ordinary of Newgate, persons whom I have not the 
honour to be known to, (whatever my betters may be) nor 
have yet seen their productions ; but by what is cited from 
them in the Letter, it should seem, they have made some 

1 This word is improperly used here, both in point of sense and 
grammar. It should be — too direct to be evaded. [S.] 

a An obscure person of whom some information is given in " Noble's 
Continuation of Grainger" (vol. ii., p. 365). [T. S.J 

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untoward observations; however, the same answer still 
serves, not a word to control what they say, only they are a 
couple of daring, insolent wretches, to " reflect upon the 
greatest and best men in England ; " and there's an end. 
I have no sort of regard for that same Hoffman, to whose 
character I am a perfect stranger ; but methinks the ordinary 
of Newgate should be treated with more respect, considering 
what company he has kept, and what visitors he may have 
had. However I shall not enter into a point of controversy 
whether the lords were acquainted with the ordinary, or the 
ordinary with the lords, since this author leaves it undecided. 
Only one thing I take to be a little hard : Tis now confessed 
on all hands, that Mr. Harley was most unjustly suspected 
of joining with an under clerk in corresponding with France : 
The suspicion being in itself unreasonable, and without the 
least probable grounds, wise men began to consider what 
violent enemies that gentleman had ; they found the report 
most industriously spread, the Whigs in common discourse dis- 
covering their wishes, that he might be found guilty; the man- 
agement of the whole affair was put into the hands of such, as 
it is supposed would at least not be sorry to find more than 
they expected : The criminal's dying speech is unfortunately 
published, wherein he thanks God he was not tempted " to 
save his life by falsely accusing his master," with more to the 
same purpose : From all this put together, it was no very 
unnatural conjecture, that there might have been some tamp- 
ering ; now I say, 'tis a little hard that Mr. Harley's friends 
must not be allowed to have their suspicions, as well as his 
enemies : And this author, if he intended to deal fairly, 
should have spent one paragraph in railing at those who 
had the impudence and villany to suspect Mr. Harley, and 
then proceed in due method to defend his committee of 
examiners : But that gentleman being, as this author says of 
the Speaker, " but a single man ; " I suppose, his reputation 
and life were esteemed but of little consequence. 

There is one state of the case in this letter, which I cannot 
well omit, because the author, I suppose, conceives it to be 
extremely cunning and malicious ; that it cuts to the quick, 
and is wonderfully severe upon Mr. Harley, without exposing 
the writer to any danger. I say this to gratify him, to let 
him know, I take his meaning, and discover his inclinations. 

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His parallel case is this ; " Supposing Guiscard l had been 
intimate with some great officer of state, and had been sus- 
pected to communicate his most secret affairs with that 
minister ;" then he asks, " Whether it would have been sub- 
ornation, or seeking the life and blood of that officer, in these 
great lords of the council, if they had narrowly examined 
this affair, inquired with all exactness what he knew of this 
great officer, what secrets he had imported to him, and 
whether he were privy to his corresponding ? " &c. In this 
parallel, Guiscard's case is supposed to be the same with 
Gregg's ; and that of the great officer with Mr. Harley's. 
So that here he lays down as a thing granted, that " Gregg 
was intimate with" Mr. Harley, and "suspected to com- 
municate his most secret affairs to him." Now did ever 
any rational man suspect, that Mr. Harley, first principal 
secretary of state, was intimate with an under clerk, or upon 
the foot of having "most secret affairs communicated to 
him" from such a counsellor, from one in so inferior a 
station, whom perhaps he hardly knew by sight ? Why was 
that report raised, but for the uses which were afterwards 
made of it ? Or, why should we wonder that they, who were 
so wicked to be authors of it, would be scrupulous in apply- 
ing it to the only purpose for which it could be raised ? 

Having thus considered the main design of this Letter, 
I shall make a few remarks upon some particular passages 
in it. 

First, though it be of no consequence to this dispute, I 
cannot but observe a most evident falsehood, which he 
repeats three or four times in his Letter, that I " make the 
world believe I am set on work by great people." I re- 
member myself to have several times affirmed the direct 

1 For an account of Guiscard and his attempt to assassinate Harley, 
see Swift's " Memoirs relating to the Change in the Queen's Ministry." 
See also Mrs. Manley's "True Narrative of what passed at the 
Examination of the Marquis de Guiscard," 171 1, reprinted by Scott in 
his edition of Swift's works, vol. v., 1824 (pp. 335-358). In his letter 
to Stella, under date April 16th, 171 1, Swift writes : " I forgot to tell 
you that yesterday was sent me a narrative printed, with all the circum- 
stances of Mr. Harley's stabbing. I had not time to do it myself, so I 
sent my hints to the author of the ' Atalantis,' and she has cooked it 
into a sixpenny pamphlet, in her own style, only the first page is left 
as I was beginning it." [T. S.] 

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contrary, and so I do still ; and if I durst tell him my name, 
which he is so desirous to know, he would be convinced that 
I am of a temper to think no man great enough to set me on 
work ; nay I am content to own all the scurrilous titles he 
gives me, if he be able to find one innuendo through all 
those papers that can any way favour this calumny : The 
malice of which is not intended against me, but the present 
ministry, to make the world believe, that what I have pub- 
lished, is the utmost effort of all they can say or think against 
the last : Whereas it is nothing more than the common ob- 
servations of a private man, deducing consequences and 
effects from very natural and visible causes. 

He tells us, with great propriety of speech, that the seven 
lords and their friends are treated as " subverters of the con- 
stitution, and such as have been long endeavouring to destroy 
both church and state." This puts me in mind of one, who 
first murdered a man, and afterwards endeavoured to kill 
him : And therefore I here solemnly deny them to have been 
" subverters of the constitution ": But that some people did 
their best endeavours, I confidently believe. 

He tells me particularly, that I acquit Guiscard " by a 
blunder of a design against Mr. Harley's life." I declare he 
injures me, for I look upon Guiscard to be full as guilty of 
the design, as even those were who tampered in the business 
of Gregg ; and both (to avoid all cavilling) as guilty as ever 
any man was that suffered death by law. 

He calls the stabbing of Mr. Harley, a " sore blow," but 
I suppose he means his recovery : That indeed was a sore 
blow to the interests of his party : But I take the business 
of Gregg to have been a much sorer blow to their reputation. 

This writer wonders how I " should know their lordships' 
hearts, because he hardly knows his own." I do not well 
see the consequence of this : Perhaps he never examines 
into his own heart, perhaps it keeps no correspondence with 
his tongue or his pen : I hope at least, it is a stranger to 
those foul terms he has strowed throughout his letter ; other- 
wise I fear I " know it too well " : For " out of the abundance 
of the heart, the mouth speaketh." But however, actions 
are pretty good discoverers of the heart, though words are 
not ; and whoever has once endeavoured to take away my 
life, if he has still the same, or rather much greater cause, 

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whether it be a just one or no, and has never shewn the least 
sign of remorse ; I may venture, without being a conjurer, 
to know so much of his heart, as to believe he would repeat 
his attempt, if it were in his power. I must needs quote 
some following lines in the same page, which are of an ex- 
traordinary kind, and seem to describe the blessed age we 
should live in, under the return of the late administration. 
" Tis very well (saith he) that people's heads are to stand 
on their shoulders, as long as the laws will let them ; if it 
depended upon any thing besides, it may be your lordships' 
seven heads might be as soon cut off, as that one gentleman's, 
were you in power." Then he concludes the paragraph with 
this charitable prayer, in the true moderation style, and 
in Italic letter, " May the head that has done the greatest 
mischief, fall first, let it be whose it will." The plain mean- 
ing of which is this : If the late ministry were in power, they 
would act just as the present ministry would, if there were 
no law, which perhaps may be true : But I know not any 
ministry upon earth, that I durst confide in without law; 
and if at their coming in again, they design to make their 
power the law, they may as easily cut off seven heads as one. 
As for " the head that has done the greatest mischief to the 
kingdom," I cannot consent it should fall, till he and I have 
settled the meaning of the word mischief. Neither do I 
much approve this renewing an old fashion of whipping off 
heads by a prayer ; it began from what some of us think an 
ill precedent. Then that unlimited clause, " let it be whose 
it will," perplexes me not a little : I wish in compliance with 
an old form, he had excepted my Lord Mayor : Otherwise, 
if it were to be determined by their vote, " whose head it 
was that had done the greatest mischief" ; which way can we 
tell how far their predecessors' principles may have influenced 
them? God preserve the Queen and her ministers from 
such undistinguishing disposers of heads. 

His remarks upon what the ordinary told Hoffman, are 
singular enough. The ordinary's words are, that " so many 
endeavours were used to corrupt Gregg's conscience, &c. 
that he felt as much uneasiness lest Gregg should betray his 
master, as if it had been his own case." The author of the 
Letter says to this, that " for aught the ordinary knew, he 
might confess what was exactly true of his master ; and that 

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therefore, an indifferent person might as well be uneasy, for 
fear Gregg should discover something of his master, that 
would touch his life, and yet might have been true." But 
if these were really the ordinary's thoughts at that time, they 
were honest and reasonable. He knew it was highly im- 
probable that a person of Mr. Harley's character and station 
should make use of such a confederate in treason : If he had 
suspected his loyalty, he could not have suspected his under- 
standing ; and knowing how much Mr. Harley was feared 
and hated by men in power, and observing that " resort to 
Gregg at unseasonable hours, and that strange promises 
were often made him by men of note " ; all this put together, 
might naturally incline the ordinary to think, the design 
could be nothing else, but that Mr. Harley should be ac- 
cused in spite of his innocence. 1 

This charge of subornation is, it seems, so extraordinary 
a crime, that the author " challenges all the books in the 
new lord's library 2 (because he hears it is the largest) to 
furnish us with an instance like it." What if this charge should 
be true ? Then I, in my turn, would challenge all the books in 
another lord's library, which is ten times larger (though per- 
haps not so often disturbed) to furnish us with an instance 
like this. If it be so monstrous a thing to accuse others of 
subornation, what epithet is left to bestow upon those who 
are really guilty of the crime itself? I think it beyond con- 

1 " It is but justice," notes Scott, "to the ordinary to state, that 
before' he entertained this anxiety, lest Gregg should accuse Harley, he 
had satisfied himself of the latter s innocence. * I often,' says he, 
' pressed him to discover who (if any) were concerned with him, in that 
treasonable fact. And pressed him also, (in an especial manner, upon 
his eternal salvation, and as he should answer it at the great tribunal of 
God) freely to tell me, whether Mr. Harley, did know any thing of it, 
or was any ways concerned, or to be concerned in it. To which he 
answered me, with the greatest and solemnest asseveration and pro- 
testation imaginable, (he being all the while upon his knees, and calling 
the great God to witness) That that honourable gentleman, Mr. Robert 
Harley, knew nothing of it, neither was to know, or to be concerned in 
it Which he having said, and often repeated to me, I then grew 
jealous of those people that* frequently came to him, who (as he told me) 
were so far from offering him any thing to quiet his conscience, that on 
the contrary they gave a great disturbance to it.' " — The Ordinary's 
Letter to Francis Hoffman in " Secret Transactions" 

2 The library of Harley, who had just been created Earl of Oxford. 
[T. S.] 

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troversy, that subornation was practised in the business of 
Gregg : This manifestly appears from those few facts I have 
mentioned : Let the Whigs agree among them where to fix 
it. Nay 'tis plain, by the great endeavours made to stifle 
his last speech, that they would have suborned the poor man 
even after he was dead: And is this a matter now to be 
called in question, much less to be denied ? 

He compares the examination of Guiscard with that of 
Gregg, talks of several great persons who examined the 
former in prison, and promised him the queen's pardon if 
he would make a full discovery. Then the author puts the 
case, " How wicked it would be to charge these honourable 
councillors with suborning Guiscard by promises of life, &c. 
to accuse the innocent, and betray his friends. " Does it 
any where appear that those noble persons who examined 
Guiscard, put leading questions to him, or pointed out where 
they would have him fix an accusation? Did they name 
some mortal enemy of their own, and then " drop words of 
pardon and reward, if he would accuse him " ? Did Guiscard 
leave any paper behind him, to justify the innocence of some 
great person whom he was tempted to accuse. Yet perhaps 
I could think of certain people, who were much more likely 
to act in concert with Guiscard, than ever Mr. Harley was 
to be confederate with Gregg. I can imagine several who 
wished the penknife in Mr. Harley's heart, though Guiscard 
alone was desperate enough to attempt it. Who were those, 
that by their discourses, as well as countenances, discovered 
their joy when the blow was struck? Who were those that 
went out, or stood silent, when the address and congratula- 
tion were voted ? And who were those that refined so far as 
to make Mr. Harley confederate with his own assassin ? 

There is one point which this author affirms more than 
once or twice in a transient way, as if he would have us 
suppose it a thing granted ; but is of such a weight, that it 
wants nothing but truth to make the late change of ministry 
a very useless and dangerous proceeding : For so it must be 
allowed, if, as he affirms, "Affairs are still under the like 
management, and must be so, because there is no better ; 
that this set of men must take the same courses in their 
ministration with their predecessors, or ten times worse; 
that the new servants go on in the old methods, and give 

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the same counsel and advice, on the like occasions, with the 
old ones;" with more to the same purpose. A man may 
affirm, without being of the cabinet, that every syllable of 
this is absolutely false; unless he means, that money is 
still raised by parliament, and borrowed upon new funds ; 
that the Duke of Marlborough still commands the army; 
that we have a treasurer, keeper, president, and secretaries, 
as we had before ; and that because the council meets much 
about the same times and places as formerly, therefore they 
"give the same advice, and pursue the same measures." 
What does he think of rinding funds to pay the old unpro- 
vided-for debt of the navy, and erecting a company for the 
South Sea trade ? What does he think of Mr. Hill's expedi- 
tion to preserve our trade in the West Indies ? l What, of the 
methods taken to make our allies pay their quotas to the 
war, which was a thing so scandalously either neglected, 
connived at, or encouraged ? What, of the care to retrench 
the exorbitant expenses of the Spanish war ? What, of those 
many abuses and corruptions at home, which have been so 
narrowly enquired into, and in a good part redressed ? Evils 
so deeply radicated, must require some time to remedy them, 
and cannot be all set right in a few months. Besides, there 
are some circumstances known by the names of honour, 
probity, good sense, great capacity for business ; as likewise, 
certain principles of religion and loyalty, the want or pos- 
session of all which, will make a mighty difference even in 
the pursuit of the sam£ measures. There is also one cha- 
racteristic which will ever distinguish the late ministry from 
the present, That the former sacrificing all regards to the 
increase of their wealth and power, found those were no 
otherwise to be preserved, but by continuance of the war ; 
whereas the interest, as well as inclinations of the present, 
dispose them to make use of the first opportunities for a safe 
and honourable peace. 

The writer goes on upon another parallel case, which is the 
modern way of reflecting upon a prince and ministry. He 
tells us, That " the Queen was brought to discard her old 
officers through the multitude of complaints, secret teasings, 
and importunate clamours of a rout of people, led by their 

1 See note on p. 80. [T. S.] 

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priests, and spirited underhand by crafty emissaries." Would 
not any one who reads this imagine, that the whole rabble, 
with the clergy at their head, were whispering in the Queen's 
ear, or came in disguise to " desire a word with Her Majesty," 
like the army of the two kings of Brentford ? The unbiassed 
majority of the nobility and gentry of the kingdom, are 
called, by this son of obscurity, " a rout of people," and the 
clergy their leaders. We have often accused that party for 
their evil talent of railing perpetually against the clergy, which 
they discovered at first without any visible reason or pro- 
vocation, as conscious of the designs they had in view, and 
therefore wisely began by vilifying those whom they intended 
to destroy. I have observed formerly, that the party malice 
against the clergy hath been so blind and furious, as to 
charge them with crimes wholly inconsistent. I find they 
are still in the same disposition, and that this writer hath 
received " direction from his superiors," to pursue the old 
style upon that article. Accordingly, in the paragraph I am 
now upon, he represents that reverend body as leaders, 
cullies, and tools. First he says, That "rout of secret 
teasers " (meaning the nobility and gentry of the kingdom) 
were "led by the priests." Then he assures us, that the 
Queen will, in a year or two, begin to consider, " Who it was 
that cheated those poor priests." And in case Her Majesty 
should have a mind to bring in the old ministry again, he 
comforts his party, That " the priests are seldom wanting to 
become the tools of cunning managers." I desire to know 
in what sense he would have us to understand, that " these 
poor priests" have been cheated? Are they cheated by a 
fund established for building 50 churches ? Or by the Queen's 
letter empowering them to proceed on the business proper 
for a convocation ? What one single advantage could they 
possibly lose by this change ? They are still indeed abused 
every day in print, but it is by those who are without the 
power to hurt them ; the serpent has lost his sting, is trodden 
under foot, and its hissing is contemned. But he con- 
fidently affirms, That when it shall be thought fit to restore 
the old ministry, " the priests will not be wanting to become 
the tools of their cunning managers." This I cannot by any 
means allow, unless they have some hidden reserve of cun- 
ning which hath never yet been produced. The cunningest 

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managers I ever knew among them, are of all others most 
detested by the clergy : Neither do I remember they have 
been ever able to make any of them tools, except by making 
them bishops ; even those few they were able to seduce, > 
would not be their tools at a lower rate. 

But because this author, and others of his standard, affect 
to make use of that word tool, when they have a mind to be 
shrewd and satirical ; I desire once for all to set them right. 
A tool and an instrument, in the metaphorical sense, differ 
thus : the former, is an engine in the hands of knaves, the 
latter in those of wise and honest men. The greatest min- 
isters are instruments in the hands of princes, and so are 
princes themselves in the hands of God ; and in this sense 
the clergy are ready to be instruments of any good to the 
prince or people. But that the clergy of England, since the 
Reformation, have at any time been the tools of a party, is 
a calumny which history and constant experience, will im- 
mediately confute. Schismatic and fanatic preachers, have 
indeed been perpetually employed that way with good suc- 
cess ; by the faction against King Charles I. to murder their 
prince, and ruin the monarchy ; by King James II. to bring 
in Popery ; and ever since the Revolution, to advance the 
unmeasurable appetite of power and wealth, among a set of 
profligate upstarts. But in all these three instances, the 
established clergy (except a very few, like tares among wheat, 
and those generally sown by the enemy) were so far from 
being tools, that in the first, they were persecuted, imprisoned 
and deprived ; and in the two others, they were great instru- 
ments, under God, for preserving our religion and liberty. 

In the same paragraph, which contains a project for turn- 
ing out the present ministry, and restoring the last, he owns, 
that the Queen is " now served with more obsequious words, 
more humble adorations, and a more seeming resignation to 
her will and pleasure, than she was before." And indeed if 
this be not true, Her Majesty has the worst luck of any 
prince in Christendom. The reverse of these phrases I take 
to be " rude expressions, insolent behaviour, and a real op-^ 
position to Her Majesty's most just and reasonable com- 
mands," which are the mildest terms that the demeanour of 
some late persons towards their prince can deserve, in return 
of the highest favours that subjects ever received, whereof a 

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hundred particulars might be produced. So that according 
to our author's way of reasoning, I will put a parallel case in 
my turn. I have a servant to whom I am exceedingly kind, 
I reward him infinitely above his merit Besides which, he 
and his family snap every thing they can lay their hands on ; 
they will let none come near me, but themselves and de- 
pendants ; they misrepresent my best friends as my greatest 
enemies; besides, they are so saucy and malapert, there is 
no speaking to them ; so far from any respect, that they treat 
me as an inferior. At last I pluck up spirit, turn them all 
out of doors, and take in new ones, who are content with 
what I allow them, though I have less to spare than formerly ; 
give me their best advice when I ask it, are constantly in the 
way, do what I bid them, make a bow when they come in 
and go out, and always give me a respectful answer. I sup- 
pose the writer of the letter would tell me that my present 
domestics were indeed a little more civil, but the former 
were better servants. 

There are two things wherewith this author is peculiarly 
angry. First, at " the licentious way of the scum of mankind 
treating the greatest peers in the nation." Secondly, that 
" these hedge-writers " (a phrase I unwillingly lend him, be- 
cause it cost me some pains to invent) " seldom speak a 
word against any of the late ministry, but they presently fall 
to compliment my lord treasurer, and others in great places." 
On the first, he brings but one instance, but I could produce 
a good many hundred ; what does he think of the " Ob- 
servator," the " Review," and the " Medley " ? In his own 
impartial judgment, may not they as fairly bid for being the 
"scum of mankind," as the "Examiner"? and have they 
not treated at least as many, and almost as great peers, in as 
infamous a manner? I grant indeed, that through the great 
defect of truth, genius, learning, and common sense among 
the libellers of that party, they being of no entertainment to 
the world, after serving the present turn, were immediately 
forgotten. But this we can remember in gross, that there 
was not a great man in England, distinguished for his love 
to the monarchy or the church, who under the appellations 
of Tory, Jacobite, Highflier, and other cant words, was not 
represented as a public enemy, and loaden by name with all 
manner of obloquy. Nay have they not even disturbed the 

v. E 

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ashes, and endeavoured to blast the memories of the dead, 
and chiefly of those who lost their lives in the service of the 
monarchy and the church? His other quarrel is at our 
"flattering my lord-treasurer, and other great persons in 
power." To which I shall only say ; for every line written in 
praise of the present ministry, I will engage to furnish the 
author with three pages of the most fulsome panegyrics on 
the least deserving members of the last ; which is somewhat 
more than by the proportion of time, while they were in 
power, could fall to their share. Indeed I am apt to think 
that the men of wit at least, will be more sparing in their 
incense of this kind for the future, and say no more of any 
great man now at the helm, than they believe he deserves. 
Poems, dedications, and other public encomiums, might be 
of use to those, who were obliged to keep up an unnatural 
spirit in the nation, by supplying it with art; and conse- 
quently the authors deserved, and sometimes met encourage- 
ment and reward. But those great patriots, now at the head 
of affairs, are sufficiently supported by the uncompelled 
favour of the Queen, and the natural disposition of the 
people. We can do them no service by our applauses, and 
therefore can expect no payment ; so that I look upon this 
kind of stock to have fallen at least 90 per cent since the 
great changes at court. 

He puts a few questions, which I am in some pain to 
answer. "Cannot" (says he) "the successors be excellent 
men, unless the predecessors be villains? Cannot the Queen 
change her ministers, but they must presently be such as 
neither God nor man can endure ? Do noble men fall from 
all honour, virtue and religion, because they are so unhappy 
as to fall from their prince's favour ? " I desire to say some- 
thing in the first place, to this last question, which I answer 
in the negative. However he will own, that " men should 
fall from their prince's favour, when they are so unhappy as 
to fall from all honour, virtue and religion " ; though I must 
confess my belief at the same time, that some certain persons 
have lately fallen from favour, who could not, for a very 
manifest reason, be said, properly speaking, to fall from any 
of the other three. To his other questions I can only say, 
that the constant language of the Whig pamphleteers, has 
been this twelvemonth past, to tell us how dangerous a step 

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it was to change the ministry at so nice a juncture ; to shake 
our credit, disoblige our allies, and encourage the French. 
Then, this author tells us, that those discarded politicians 
"were the greatest ministers we ever had": His brethren 
have said the same thing a hundred times. On t'other 
side, the Queen, upon long deliberation, was resolved to part 
with them : The universal voice of the people was against 
them : Her Majesty is the most mild and gracious prince 
that ever reigned : We have been constantly victorious, and 
are ruined ; the enemy flourishes under his perpetual losses. 
If these be the consequences of an able, faithful, diligent 
and dutiful administration ; of " that astonishing success,' 1 
he says, " Providence hath crowned us with," what can be 
those of one directly contrary ? But, not to enter into a wide 
field at present, I faithfully promise the author of the Letter, 
his correspondents, his patrons, and his brethren, that this 
mystery of iniquity shall be very shortly laid open to the 
view of the world ; when the most ignorant and prejudiced 
reader will, I hope, be convinced by facts not to be con- 
trolled, how miserably this poor kingdom has been deluded 
to the very brink of destruction. 1 

He would have it, that the people of England have lost 
their senses ; are bewitched and cheated, mad and without 
understanding : But that all this will go off by degrees, and 
then his "great men will recover their esteem and credit." 
I did, in one of my papers, overthrow this idle affected 
opinion, which has been a thousand times urged by those 
who most wished and least believed it : I there shewed the 
difference between " a short madness of the people," and 
their "natural bent or genius." I remember when King 
James II. went from England, he left a paper behind him, 
with expressions much to the same purpose ; hoping, among 
other things, that " God would open the eyes of the nation." 
Too much zeal for his religion brought us then in danger of 
Popery and arbitrary power ; too much infidelity, avarice 
and ambition, brought us lately into equal danger of atheism 
and anarchy. The people have not yet opened their eyes, 
to see any advantage in the two former; nor I hope will 
ever find their senses enough to discover the blessings of the 

1 This refers to the pamphlet published towards the end of the year 
1711, entitled, "The Conduct of the Allies. " [T. S.] 

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two latter. Cannot I see things in another light than this 
author and his party do, without being blind ? Is my under- 
standing lost when it differs from theirs ? Am I cheated, 
bewitched and out of my senses, because I think those to 
have been betrayers of our country, whom they call patriots ? 

He hopes his seven correspondents " will never want their 
places ; " but is in pain for the poor kingdom, lest " their 
places should want them." Now I have examined this 
matter, and am not at all discouraged. Two of them hold 
their places still, and are likely to continue in them. 1 Two 
more were governors of islands ; a I believe the author does 
not imagine those to be among the places which will want 
men to fill them. God be thanked, a man may command 
the beef-eaters without being a soldier ; 3 I will at any time 
undertake to do it myself. Then, it would be a little hard, 
if the Queen should be at a loss for a steward to her family. 4 
So that upon the whole, I see but one great employment 6 
which is in any danger of wanting a sufficient person to 
execute it. We must do as well as we can : Yet I have 
been told, that the bare business of presiding in council, 
does not require such very transcendent abilities ; and I am 
mistaken, if till within these late years, we have not been 
some ages without that office. So that I hope things may 
go well enough, provided the keeper, treasurer, and both the 
secretaries will do their duties ; and 'tis happy for the nation 
that none of their seven lordships left any of those places to 
want them. 

The writer of the letter concludes it with an " appeal to 
all the princes and states of Europe, friends and enemies " 
by name, " to give their judgment, whether they think the 
late ministry were wanting in faithfulness, abilities, or dili- 
gence to serve their prince and country." Now, if he speaks 

1 The Duke of Somerset, grand master of the horse, and Lord 
Halifax, auditor of the Exchequer. [T. S.] 

2 The Earl of Wharton, removed from the lord lieutenancy of Ireland, 
in 1 710 and the Duke of Bolton, appointed Governor of the Isle of 
Wight in 1708. [T. S.] 

3 Viscount Townshend was captain of Her Majesty's Guard of 
Yeomen. [T. S.] 

4 The Earl of Devonshire had been removed from that office. [T. S.] 

5 That of Lord President of the Council, a post which Lord Somers 
had occupied. [T. S.] 

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by order of his party, I am humbly of opinion, they have in- 
curred a praemunire^ for appealing to a foreign jurisdiction, 
and Her Majesty may seize their goods and chattels when- 
ever she pleases. In the mean time, I will not accept his 
appeal ; which has been rejected by the Queen and both 
Houses of Parliament. But let a fair jury be empanelled in 
any county of England, and I will be determined by their 
verdict. First, he names the King of France and all his 
counsellors, with the Pretender and all his favourers and 
abettors. These I except against : I know they will readily 
judge the late ministry to be faithful, able and diligent in 
serving their prince and country. The counsels of some 
people have, in their way, served very much to promote the 
service of the Pretender, and to enable the French king to 
assist him ; and is not he, in that monarch's opinion, as well 
as his own, their lawful prince ? I except against the emperor 
and the States ; because it can be proved upon them, that 
the plaintiffs and they have an understanding together. I 
except against any prince who makes unreasonable demands, 
and threatens to recall his troops if they be not complied 
with ; because they have been forced of late to change their 
language, and may perhaps be shortly obliged to observe 
their articles more strictly. I should be sorry, for the ap- 
pealers' sakes, to have their case referred to the Kings of 
Sweden and Denmark, who infallibly would decree them to 
be all hanged up for their insolence to their sovereign. But 
above all, the King of Spain would certainly be against them, 
when he considers, with how scandalous a neglect his in- 
terests have been managed ; and that the full possession of 
his kingdom was made a sacrifice to those, whose private or 
party interest swayed them to the continuance of the war. 
The author had reason to omit the Grand Seignior and the 
Czar in the list of his judges ; the decrees of those princes 
are too sudden and sanguinary, and their lessons to instruct 
subjects in behaviour to their princes, by strangling them 
with a bowstring, or flinging them to be devoured dive by 
hogs, were enough to deter him from' submitting to their 

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Perhaps no one rendered the Oxford Ministry greater service than did 
Swift by the writing of this pamphlet Marlborough, by his astonish- 
ing military campaigns, had become an idol with the populace ; but the 
Tory administration, firmly fixed as they were in Ireland and Scotland, 
felt it absolutely necessary for their safe continuance in office to bring 
about a peace. How to arouse the people to a sense of the value of 
peace was the important question. Peace at any price, with the probable 
withdrawal and dismissal of Marlborough, was a step which none of its 
members had the courage to propose, and to keep Marlborough in the 
field might mean more victories and consequently greater popularity for 
one who was so closely identified with Whig interests. The only course 
to pursue, evidently, was to attempt a pamphleteering campaign which 
should make the war unpopular. There is no doubt that Bohngbroke 
had much to do with planning this campaign ; and he it was who, while 
staying at Windsor, primed Swift, on the tatter's visit to his house, with 
the facts necessary to drive home the essential argument of the thesis on 
which Swift was either desired, or which he voluntarily undertook, 
publicly to enunciate. Macknight in his " Life of Bolingbroke " (pp. 
216-217) points out that "St. John and Swift during these Windsor 
visits were seen walking together for hours up the long avenue, and dis- 
coursing deeply on high affairs of State. Sometimes, too, after midnight, 
when the company was gone, they would sit talking on the same sub- 
ject by the fire, far into the next morning." The result of all this was, 
" The Conduct of the Allies," and its effect was such as may best be 
conveyed in the words of Dr. Johnson : " The people who had been 
amused with bonfires and triumphal processions, and looked with 
idolatry on the general and his friends, who, as they thought, had 
made England the arbitress of nations, were confounded between shame 
and rage when they found that ' mines had been exhausted and millions 
destroyed ' to secure the Dutch or aggrandize the emperor, without any 
advantage to ourselves ; that we had been bribing our neighbours to 
fight their own quarrel ; and that amongst our enemies we might number 
our allies." It may be truly said, as Johnson concludes by saying, that 
"whoever surveys this wonder-working pamphlet with cool perusal, 
will confess that its efficacy was supplied by the passions of its readers." 
But Swift's aim was just this. It was his business as it was his intention 
to strike the blow once, and to strike hard. He did it, and his work 
saved the ministry from its downfall. 

Early in November of 171 1 Marlborough was actually in London, 
and on the 27th of the same month the tract appeared. Parliament 
met on the 6th of December, and opened by an attack from Notting- 
ham. In spite of the fact that Nottingham's motion, which was really 
intended to destroy the chances for a peace, was carried by a majority 
of five votes, and in spite of the fact that the terrible suspense fasted 


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for three weeks, Swift's pen had done its work. Harley noted the 
unmistakable signs of Marlborough's decline in the popular esteem — a 
decline which was accelerated by the proof that he and his Secretary 
Cardonnel had received questionable perquisites. Noting these signs 
Harley hesitated no longer. The 30th of December found Marlborough 
deprived of his appointments, and the following day a majority was 
secured in the House of Lords by the creation of twelve new peers. 

"The Conduct of the Allies" was first published on November 27th, 
1711 ; a second edition was issued on the 29th ; a third on December 
3rd, and a fourth and fifth succeeded before the year was out. Eleven 
thousand copies, says Dr. Johnson, were sold between November and 
January; "a great number," he adds, "at that time, when we were 
not yet a nation of readers." 

In the "Journal to Stella" we trace the progress of the pamphlet : 

October 30th, 17 11. "I was to-day in the city concerting some 
things with a printer, and am to be to-morrow all day busy with Mr. 
Secretary about the same. I won't tell you now ; but the ministers 
reckon it will do abundance of good, and open the eves of the nation, 
who are half bewitched against a peace. Few of this generation can 
remember anything but war and taxes, and they think it as it should 
be ; whereas it is certain we are the most undone people in Europe, as 
I am afraid I shall make appear beyond all contradiction. But I forgot ; 
I won't tell you what I will do, nor what I will not do : so let me 
alone," etc. 

November 24th, 171 1. "I have finished my pamphlet to-day, which 
has cost me so much time and trouble ; it will be published in three or 
four days, when the Parliament begins sitting." 

November 30th, 171 1. " The pamphlet makes a world of noise, and 
will do a great deal of good." 

February 4th, 1712. " The House of Commons have this day made 
many severe votes about our being abused by our allies; those who 
spoke drew all their arguments from my book, and their votes confirm 
all I writ : the Court had a majority of one hundred and fifty : all argue, 
that it was my book that spirited them to these resolutions." 

The text of this reprint is practically that of the first edition ; but it 
has also been collated with the following editions issued in 171 1. The 
title-page given here in facsimile bears 1712 as the date of the first issue. 
This, of course, was printed when it was not expected to sell so quickly, 
and as is usual with publishers the year was ante-dated because of the 
near approach of the new year. The succeeding four editions are all 
dated 171 1. 

Several replies were quickly issued to Swift's tract, and among these 
the most noted was that by Dr. Hare, chaplain to the Duke of Marl- 
borough. It was entitled : " The Allies and the late Ministry defended 
against France, and the present friends of France." It will be referred 
to later in this volume. 

[T. S.] 


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O F T H B 



JMt $tmiftr p, 

I N 

Beginning and Carrying on 


Prefent War. 

— — Partem ttbi Gallia noflri 
Eripuit ; partem durif Wfpania belli* : 
Purr facet Hejperia : toto<j\ exertitut orbc 

Te vincente perk — 

Odimm aeeijitrem quia femper vivit in arm*. 
HBrix Provineia plorat. 


Printed for John Morpbev, near Sutic 
wrs-HaB. 1718' 

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/CANNOT sufficiently admire the industry of a sort of 
men, wholly out of favour with the prince and people, 
and openly professing a separate interest from the bulk of 
the landed tnen, who yet are able to raise, at this juncture, 
so great a clamour against a peace, without offering one 
single reason, but what we find in their ballads. I lay it 
down for a maxim, That no reasonable man, whether Whig 
or Tory {since it is necessary to use those foolish terms) can 
be of opinion for continuing the war, upon the foot it now is, 
unless he be a gainer by it, or hopes it may occasion some new 
turn of affairs at home, to the advantage of his party; or 
lastly, unless he be very ignorant of the kingdom's condition, 
and by what means we have been reduced to it. Upon the 
two first cases, where interest is concerned, I have nothing 
to say: But as to the last, I think it highly necessary, that 
the public should be freely and impartially told what cir- 
cumstances they are in, after what manner they have been 
treated by those whom they trusted so many years with the 
disposal of their blood and treasure, and what the consequences 
of this management are like to be upon themselves and their 

Those who, either by writing or discourse have undertaken 
to defend the proceedings of the late ministry? in the manage- 
ment of the war, and of the treaty at Gertruydenburg, % have 
spent time in celebrating the conduct and valour of our leaders 
and their troops, in summing up the victories they have gained, 
and the toions they have taken. Then they tell us what high 
articles were insisted on by our ministers and those of the con- 

1 The Godolphin Administration, termed by Mahon " the great 
Whig administration of Queen Anne," fell in November, 1710. [T. S.] 

2 See notes on pp. 100, 201-2. [T. S.] 


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federates, and what pains both were at in persuading France 
to accept them. But nothing of this can give the least satis- 
faction to the just complaints of the kingdom. As to the war, 
our grievances are, That a greater load has been laid on us 
than was either just or necessary, or than we have been able to 
bear; that the grossest impositions have been submitted to for 
the advancement of private wealth and power, or in order to 
forward the more dangerous designs of a faction, to both which 
a peace would have put an end; and that the part of the war 
which was chiefly our province, which would have been most 
beneficial to us, and destructive to the enemy, was wholly 
neglected. As to a peace, we complain of being deluded by 
a mock treaty ; in which those who negotiated, took care to 
make such demands as they knew were impossible to be com- 
plied with, and therefore might securely press every article as if 
they were in earnest. 

These are some of the points I design to treat of in the 
following discourse; with several others which 1 thought it 
necessary, at this time, for the kingdom to be informed of I 
think 1 am not mistaken in those facts I mention ; at least 
not in any circumstance so material, as to weaken the con- 
sequences I draw from them. 

After ten years war with perpetual success, to tell us it is 
yet impossible to have a good peace, is very surprising, and 
seems so different from what hath ever happened in the world 
before, that a man of any party may be allowed suspecting, we 
have either been ill used, or have not made the most of our 
victories, and might therefore desire to know where the difficulty 
lay : Then it is natural to enquire into our present condition ; 
how long we shall be able to go on at this rate ; what the con- 
sequences may be upon the present and future ages; and 
whether a peace, without that impracticable point which 
some people do so much insist on, be really ruinous in itself, or 
equally so with the continuance of the war. 

1 The members of the Grand Alliance. [T. S.] 

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THE motives that may engage a wise prince or state in a 
war, I take to be one or more of these : Either to check 
the overgrown power of some ambitious neighbour; to re- 
cover what hath been unjustly taken from them ; to revenge 
some injury they have received (which all political casuists 
allow) ; to assist some ally in a just quarrel ; or lastly, to de- 
fend themselves when they are invaded. In all these cases, 
the writers upon politics admit a war to be justly undertaken. 
The last is what hath been usually called pro arts etfocis ; 
where no expense or endeavour can be too great, because 
all we have is at stake, and consequently, our utmost force 
to be exerted ; and the dispute is soon determined, either in 
safety or utter destruction. But in the other four, I believe 
it will be found, that no monarch or commonwealth did ever 
engage beyond a certain degree ; never proceeding so far as 
to exhaust the strength and substance of their country by 
anticipations and loans, which in a few years must put them 
in a worse condition than any they could reasonably appre- 
hend from those evils, for the preventing of which they first 
entered into the war; because this would be to run into 
real infallible ruin, only in hopes to remove what might per- 
haps but appear so by a probable speculation. 

And, as a war should be undertaken upon a just and 
prudent motive, so it is still more obvious, that a prince 
ought maturely to consider the condition he is in when he 
enters on it : Whether his coffers be full, his revenues clear 
of debts, his people numerous and rich by a long peace and 
free trade, not overpressed with many burthensome taxes; no 
violent faction ready to dispute his just prerogative, and 
thereby weaken his authority at home, and lessen his reputa- 
tion abroad. For, if the contrary of all this happen to be 


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his case, he will hardly be persuaded to disturb the world's 
quiet and his own, while there is any other way left of pre- 
serving the latter with honour and safety. 

Supposing the war to have commenced upon a just 
motive ; the next thing to be considered, is, when a prince 
ought in prudence to receive the overtures of a peace: 
Which I take to be, either when the enemy is ready to 
yield the point originally contended for, or when that point 
is found impossible to be ever obtained ; or when contend- 
ing any longer, though with probability of gaining that point 
at last, would put such a prince and his people in a worse 
condition than the present loss of it. All which considera- 
tions are of much greater force, where a war is managed by 
an alliance of many confederates, which in the variety of 
interests, among the several parties, is liable to so many un- 
foreseen accidents. 

In a confederate war it ought to be considered, which 
party has the deepest share in the quarrel : For though each 
may have their particular reasons, yet one or two among 
them will probably be more concerned than the rest, and 
therefore ought to bear the greatest part of the burthen, 
in proportion to their strength. For example : Two princes 
may be competitors for a kingdom, and it will be your 
interest to take the part of him, who will probably allow you 
good conditions of trade, rather than of the other, who 
possibly may not. However, that prince whose cause you 
espouse, though never so vigorously, is the principal in that 
war, and you, properly speaking, are but a second. Or a 
commonwealth may lie in danger to be overrun by a power- 
ful neighbour, which in time may produce very bad con- 
sequences upon your trade and liberty: 'Tis therefore 
necessary, as well as prudent, to lend them assistance, 
and help them to win a strong secure frontier; but, as 
they must in course be the first and greatest sufferers, so, 
in justice, they ought to bear the greatest weight. If a 
house be on fire, it behoves all in the neighbourhood to 
run with buckets to quench it; but the owner is sure to 
be undone first; and it is not impossible that those at 
next door may escape, by a shower from Heaven, or the 
stillness of the weather, or some other favourable accident. 

But, if an ally, who is not so immediately concerned in 

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the good or ill fortune of the war, be so generous as to 
contribute more than the principal party, and even more 
in proportion to his abilities, he ought at least to have 
his share in what is conquered from the enemy: or, if 
his romantic disposition transports him so far, as to expect 
little or nothing of this, he might, however, hope, that the 
principals would make it up in dignity and respect; and 
he would surely think it monstrous to find them inter- 
meddling in his domestic affairs, prescribing what servants 
he should keep or dismiss, pressing him perpetually with 
the most unreasonable demands, and at every turn threaten- 
ing to break the alliance, if he will not comply. 

From these reflections upon war in "general, I descend 
to consider those wars, wherein England hath been en- 
gaged since the Conquest. In the civil wars of the barons, 
as well as those between the houses of York and Lancaster, 
great destruction was made of the nobility and gentry, new 
families raised, and old ones extinguished, but the money 
spent on both sides was employed and circulated at home ; 
no public debts contracted ; and a very few years of peace 
quickly set all right again. 

The like may be affirmed even of that unnatural rebellion 
against King Charles I., the usurpers maintained great 
armies in constant pay, had almost continual war with 
Spain or Holland, but managing it by their fleets, they 
increased very much the riches of the kingdom, instead 
of exhausting them. 

Our foreign wars were generally against Scotland or 
France; the first being upon our own continent, 1 carried 
no money out of the kingdom, and were seldom of long 
continuance. During our first wars with France, we pos- 
sessed great dominions in that country, where we preserved 
some footing till the reign of Queen Mary; and though 
some of our latter princes made very chargeable expedi- 
tions thither, a subsidy, and two or three fifteenths, cleared 
all the debt. Beside, our victories were then of some use 
as well as glory; for we were so prudent to fight, and so 
happy to conquer, only for ourselves. 

The Dutch wars, in the reign of King Charles II. though 

1 Thus in first edition. Other editions have " in this island." 
[T. S.] 

V. F 

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begun and carried on under a very corrupt administration, 
and much to the dishonour of the crown, did indeed keep 
the king needy and poor, by discontinuing or discontenting 
his parliament, when he most needed their assistance ; but 
neither left any debt upon the nation, nor carried any 
money out of it. 

At the Revolution, a general war broke out in Europe, 
wherein many princes joined in an alliance against France, 
to check the ambitious designs of that monarch ; and here 
the emperor, the Dutch, and England were principals. 
About this time the custom first began among us of borrow- 
ing millions upon funds of interest : It was pretended, that 
the war could not possibly last above one or two campaigns; 
and that the debts contracted might be easily paid in a few 
years, by a gentle tax, without burthening the subject. But 
the true reason for embracing this expedient, was the security 
of a new prince, not firmly settled on the throne : People 
were tempted to lend, by great premiums and large interest, 
and it concerned them nearly to preserve that government, 
which they trusted with their money. The person l said to 
have been author of se detestable a project, is still living, 
and lives to see some of its fatal consequences, whereof his 
grandchildren will not see an end. And this pernicious 
counsel closed very well with the posture of affairs at that 
time : For, a set of upstarts, who had little or no part in the 
Revolution, but valued themselves by their noise and pre- 
tended zeal when the work was over, were got into credit at 
court, by the merit of becoming undertakers and projectors 
of loans and funds : These, finding that the gentlemen of 
estates were not willing to come into their measures, fell 
upon those new schemes of raising money, in order to create 
a monied interest, that might in time vie with the landed, 
and of which they hoped to be at the head. 2 

The ground of the first war, for ten years after the Revolu- 
tion, as to the part we had in it, was, to make France 
acknowledge the late king, and to recover Hudson's Bay. 

1 Dr. Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Sarum. See note on p. 128, 
voL iii., of present edition of Swift's works. [T. S.] 

a The apology alleged by the answerers of the tract was the stubborn 
opposition of the Tories to an excise or any other schemes for raising 
taxes within the year. [S.] 

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But during that whole war, the sea was almost entirely 
neglected, and the greatest part of six* millions annually 
employed to enlarge the frontier of the Dutch. For the 
king was a general, but not an admiral ; and although King 
of England, was a native of Holland. 

After ten years fighting to little purpose ; after the loss of 
above an hundred thousand men, and a debt remaining of 
twenty millions, we at length hearkened to the terms of a 
peace, which was concluded with great advantages to the 
empire and Holland, but none at all to us ; l and clogged 
soon after by the famous treaty of partition; 2 by which, 
Naples, Sicily, and Lorrain, were to be added to the French 
dominions ; or if that crown should think fit to set aside the 
treaty, upon the Spaniards refusing to accept it, as they de- 
clared they would, to the several parties at the very time of 
transacting it;, then the French would have pretensions to 
the whole monarchy. And so it proved in the event ; for, 
the late King of Spain reckoning it an indignity to have his 

1 The Peace of Ryswick, concluded in October, 1697. All that 
Louis did for England by that peace was to acknowledge William as 
King of England, and to engage not to assist his enemies. The Dutch 
and Leopold, however, were much better treated. The former had its 
commerce re-established, while to the latter were given many fortresses 
and towns, and advantages strengthening his empire. The Peace of 
Ryswick was truly not a peace, but a temporary cessation of hostilities. 

* The Partition Treaties arose out of the troublesome question of the 
Spanish succession. After the Peace of Ryswick William III. and 
Louis XIV. attempted to settle this question by a partition of the Spanish 
possessions, which, without any reference either to Charles of Spain or 
Leopold of Austria, gave Spain, the Indies, and the Netherlands to the 
Electoral Prince of Bavaria, and the two Sicilies to France. Charles 
himself signed a will by which the Electoral Prince was to succeed him 
in all his possessions ; but the prince died. His death necessitated a 
second Partition Treaty, and this was concluded between France, 
England, and Holland. By this second treaty the Archduke Charles 
succeeded to Spain, the Indies, and the Netherlands, and the Bourbons 
received the Milanese or Lorraine. The news of this treaty in Spain 
roused that country to activity, and Louis XIV., by means of Cardinal 
Porto Carrero and Harcourt, his ambassador, intrigued so that the anger 
of the Spaniards fell on England and Holland, and eventually succeeded 
in forcing Charles to sign a will in favour of Philip of Anjou. This 
perfidious conduct on the part of Louis led to the Grand Alliance and a 
war which, in the words of Macaulay, "agitated Europe, from the 
Vistula to the Atlantic Ocean, during twelve years." [T. S.] 

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territories cantoned out into parcels, by other princes, during 
his own life, and without his consent, rather chose to be- 
queath the monarchy entire to a younger son of France : 
And this prince was acknowledged for King of Spain both 
by us and Holland. 1 

It must be granted, that the counsels of entering into this 
war' were violently opposed by the church-party, who first ad- 
vised the late king to acknowledge the Duke of Anjou ; and 
particularly, 'tis affirmed that a certain great person, 2 who was 
then in the church interest, told the king in November, 1701, 
That since His Majesty was determined to engage in a war 
so contrary to his private opinion, he could serve him no 
longer, and accordingly gave up his employment ; though he 
happened afterwards to change his mind, when he was to be 
at the head of the Treasury, and have the sole manage- 
ment of affairs at home ; while those abroad were to be in 
the hands of one, whose advantage, by all sorts of ties, he 
was engaged to promote. 

The declarations of war against France and Spain, made 
by us and Holland, are dated within a few days of each 
other. In that published by the States, they say very truly, 
That " they are nearest, and most exposed to the fire ; that 
they are blocked up on all sides, and actually attacked by 
the Kings of France and Spain ; that their declaration is the 
effect of an urgent and pressing necessity ; " with other ex- 
pressions to the same purpose. They "desire the assist- 
ance of all kings and princes," &c. The grounds of their 
quarrel with France, are such as only affect themselves, or 
at least more immediately than any other prince or state ; 
such as, " the French refusing to grant the Tariff promised 
by the treaty of Ryswick ; the loading the Dutch inhabitants 
settled in France, with excessive duties, contrary to the said 
treaty ; the violation of the Partition Treaty, by the French 
accepting the King of Spain's will, and threatening the 
States, if they would not comply ; the seizing the Spanish 

1 This was Philip of Anjou, second son of the Dauphin. [T. S.] 

2 Sidney Godolphin, one of the greatest financiers among English 
statesmen. He was Lord High Treasurer under Queen Anne, and an 
intimate friend, as well as relative by marriage, of Marlborough. He 
was created an Earl in 1706, but was removed from his office at the fell 
of the Whig ministry in 17 10. He died in 17 12. [T. S.] 

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Netherlands by the French troops, and turning out the 
Dutch, who by permission of the late King of Spain were in 
garrison there ; by which means that republic was deprived 
of her barrier, contrary to the treaty of partition, where it 
was particularly stipulated, that the Spanish Netherlands 
should be left to the archduke." They alleged, that "the 
French king governed Flanders as his own, though under 
the name of his grandson, and sent great numbers of troops 
thither to fright them : That he had seized the city and 
citadel of Liege, had possessed himself of several places in 
the archbishopric of Cologne, and maintained troops in the 
country of Wolfenbuttel, in order to block up the Dutch on all 
sides ; and caused his resident to give in a memorial, where- 
in he threatened the States to act against them, if they 
refused complying with the contents of that memorial. " 

The Queen's declaration of war is grounded upon the 
grand alliance, as this was upon the unjust usurpations and 
encroachments of the French king ; whereof the instances 
produced are, " his keeping in possession a great part of the 
Spanish dominions, seizing Milan and the Spanish Low 
Countries, making himself master of Cadiz, &c. And instead 
of giving satisfaction in these points, his putting an indignity 
and affront on Her Majesty and kingdoms, by declaring the 
pretended Prince of Wales, K. of England, &c." which last 
was the only personal quarrel we had in the war ; and even 
this was positively denied by France, that king being willing 
to acknowledge Her Majesty. 

I think it plainly appears by both declarations, that Eng- 
land ought no more to have been a principal in this war, 
than Prussia, or any other power, who came afterwards into 
that alliance. Holland was first in the danger, the French 
troops being at that time just at the gates of Nimeguen. 
But the complaints made in our declaration, do all, except 
the last, as much or more concern almost every prince in 

For, among the several parties who came first or last into 
this confederacy, there were few but who, in proportion, had 
more to get or to lose, to hope or to fear, from the good or 
ill success of this war, than we. The Dutch took up arms 
to defend themselves from immediate ruin ; and by a suc- 
cessful war, they proposed to have a larger extent of country, 

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and a better frontier against France. The emperor hoped 
to recover the monarchy of Spain, or some part of it, for his 
younger son, chiefly at the expense of us and Holland. The 
King of Portugal had received intelligence, that Philip de- 
signed to renew the old pretensions of Spain upon that 
kingdom, which is surrounded by the other on all sides, 
except towards the sea, and could therefore only be de- 
fended by maritime powers. This, with the advantageous 
terms offered by K. Charles, as well as by us, prevailed with 
that prince to enter into the alliance. The Duke of Savoy's 
temptations and fears were yet greater : The main charge of 
the war on that side, was to be supplied by England, and 
the profit to redound to him. In case Milan should be 
conquered, it was stipulated that his highness should have 
the Duchy of Montferrat, belonging to the Duke of Mantua, 
the provinces of Alexandria and Valencia, and Lomellino, 
with other lands between the Po and the Tanaro, together 
with the Vigevenasco, or in lieu of it, an equivalent out of 
the province of Novara, adjoining to his own state ; beside 
whatever else could be taken from France on that side by 
the confederate forces. Then, he was in terrible appre- 
hensions of being surrounded by France, who had so many 
troops in the Milanese, and might have easily swallowed up 
his whole duchy. 

The rest of the allies came in purely for subsidies, where- 
of they sunk considerable sums into their own coffers, and 
refused to send their contingent to the emperor, alleging 
their troops were already hired by England and Holland. 

Some time after the Duke of Anjou's succeeding to the 
monarchy of Spain, in breach of the partition treaty, the 
question here in England was, Whether the peace should be 
continued, or a new war begun. Those who were for the 
former, alleged the debts and difficulties we laboured under; 
that both we and the Dutch had already acknowledged 
Philip for King of Spain; that the inclinations of the 
Spaniards to the house of Austria, and their aversion for 
that of Bourbon, were not so surely to be reckoned upon, 
as some would pretend ; that we thought it a piece of insol- 
ence, as well as injustice, in the French to offer putting a 
king upon us; and the Spaniards would conceive, we had 
as little reason to force one upon them ; that it was true, 

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the nature and genius of those two people differed very 
much, and so would probably continue to do, as well under 
a king of French blood, as one of Austrian ; but, that if we 
should engage in a war for dethroning the D. of Anjou, we 
should certainly effect what, by the progress and operations 
of it, we endeavoured to prevent, I mean an union of interest 
and affections between the two nations; for the Spaniards 
must of necessity call in French troops to their assistance : 
This would introduce French counsellors into King Philip's 
court ; and this, by degrees, would habituate and reconcile 
the two nations : That to assist King Charles by English or 
Dutch forces, would render him odious to his new subjects, 
who have nothing in so great an abomination, as those whom 
they hold for heretics : That the French would by this means 
become masters of the treasures in the Spanish West Indies : 
That, in the last war, when Spain, Cologne, and Bavaria 
were in our alliance, and by a modest computation brought 
sixty thousand men into the field against the common enemy; 
when Flanders, the seat of war, was on our side, and His 
Majesty, a prince of great valour and conduct, at the head 
of the whole confederate army ; yet we had no reason to 
boast of our success : How then should we be able to oppose 
France with those powers against us, which would carry 
sixty thousand men from us to the enemy, and so make us, 
upon the balance, weaker by one hundred and twenty 
thousand men at the beginning of this war, than of that in 

On the other side, those whose opinion, or some private 
motives, inclined them to give their advice for entering into a 
new war, alleged how dangerous it would be for England, that 
Philip should be King of Spain ; that we could have no security 
for our trade, while that kingdom was subject to a prince of 
the Bourbon family; nor any hopes of preserving the balance 
of Europe, because the grandfather would, in effect, be king, 
while his grandson had but the title, and thereby have a 
better opportunity than ever of pursuing his design for 
universal monarchy. These and the like arguments pre- 
vailed ; and so, without offering at any other remedy, with- 
out taking time to consider the consequences, or to reflect 
on our own condition, we hastily engaged in a war which 
hath cost us sixty millions ; and after repeated, as well as 

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unexpected success in arms, hath put us and our posterity in 
a worse condition, not only than any of our allies, but even 
our conquered enemies themselves. 

The part we have acted in the conduct of this whole war, 
with reference to our allies abroad, and to a prevailing fac- 
tion at home, is what I shall now particularly examine; 
where I presume it will appear, by plain matters of fact, that 
no nation was ever so long or so scandalously abused by the 
folly, the temerity, the corruption, the ambition of its 
domestic enemies; or treated with so much insolence, 
injustice and ingratitude by its foreign friends. 

This will be manifest by proving the three following points. 

Firsts That against all manner of prudence, or common 
reason, we engaged in this war as principals, when we ought 
to have acted only as auxiliaries. 

Secondly \ That we spent all our vigour in pursuing that 
part of the war which could least answer the end we pro- 
posed by beginning of it ; and made no efforts at all where 
we could have most weakened the common enemy, and at 
the same time enriched ourselves. 

Lastly, That we suffered each of our allies to break every 
article in those treaties and agreements by which they were 
bound, and to lay the burthen upon us. 

Upon the first of these points, That we ought to have 
entered into this war only as auxiliaries. Let any man reflect 
upon our condition at that time : Just come out of the most 
tedious, expensive and unsuccessful war that ever England 
had been engaged in ; sinking under heavy debts, of a nature 
and degree never heard of by us or our ancestors ; the bulk 
of the gentry and people heartily tired of the war, and glad 
of a peace, though it brought no other advantage but itself : 
no sudden prospect of lessening our taxes, which were 
grown as necessary to pay our debts, as to raise armies : a 
sort of artificial wealth of funds and stocks in the hands of 
those who for ten years before had been plundering the 
public : many corruptions in every branch of our govern- 
ment, that needed reformation. Under these difficulties, 
from which twenty years peace, and the wisest management, 
could hardly recover us, we declare war against France, 
fortified by the accession and alliance of those powers I 
mentioned before, and which in the former war, had been 

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parties in our confederacy. It is very obvious what a change 
must be made in the balance, by such weights taken out of 
our scale and put into theirs ; since it was manifest by ten 
years experience, that France without those additions of 
strength, was able to maintain itself against us. So that 
human probability ran with mighty odds on the other side ; 
and in that case, nothing under the most extreme necessity 
should force any state to engage in a war. We had already 
acknowledged Philip for King of Spain ; neither does the 
Queen's declaration of war take notice of the Duke of 
Anjou's succession to that monarchy as a subject of quarrel ; 
but the French king's governing it as if it were his own ; his 
seizing Cadiz, Milan, and the Spanish Low Countries, with 
the indignity of proclaiming the Pretender. In all which 
we charge that prince with nothing directly relating to us, 
excepting the last : And this, although indeed a great affront, 
might have easily been redressed without a war ; for the 
French court declared they did not acknowledge the Pre- 
tender, but only gave him the title of king, which was allowed 
to Augustus x by his enemy of Sweden, who had driven him 
out of Poland, and forced him to acknowledge Stanislaus. 2 

Tis true indeed, the danger of the Dutch, by so ill a 
neighbourhood in Flanders, might affect us very much in 
the consequences of it ; and the loss of Spain to the house 
of Austria, if it should be governed by French influence, and 
French politics, might, in time, be very pernicious to our 
trade. It would therefore have been prudent, as well i as 
generous and charitable, to help our neighbour ; and so we 
might have done without injuring ourselves : For by an old 
treaty with Holland, we were bound to assist that republic 
with ten thousand men, whenever they were attacked by the 

1 Augustus II. (1670-1733), King of Poland and Elector of Saxony. 
He was deposed by means of Charles XII. of Sweden, and Stanislaus 
crowned in his place. He was, however, restored on Stanislaus's defeat 
at Pultowa. [t. S.] 

2 Stanislaus Leczinski (1677- 1 766) found favour in Charles XII. of 
Sweden's eyes, and by his aid was crowned King of Poland in 1705 in 
place of the deposed Augustus II. On his defeat at Pultowa he was 
obliged to fly the kingdom, and although he had the assistance of 
Louis XV. of France in his claim for the Polish throne after Augustus's 
death in 1733, he did not succeed in re-obtaining it. He was author ot 
41 CEuvres du Philosophe Bienfaisant." £T. S.] 

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French; whose troops, upon the King of Spain's death, 
taking possession of Flanders, in right of Philip, and securing 
the Dutch garrisons till they would acknowledge him, the 
States-General, by memorials from their envoy here, de- 
manded only the ten thousand men we were obliged to give 
them by virtue of that treaty. And I make no doubt but 
the Dutch would have exerted themselves so vigorously, as to 
be able, with that assistance alone, to defend their frontiers : 
Or, if they had been forced to a peace, the Spaniards, who 
abhor dismembering their monarchy, would never have 
suffered the French to possess themselves of Flanders. At 
that time they had none of those endearments to each other 
which this war hath created; and whatever hatred and 
jealousy were natural between the two nations, would then 
have appeared. So that there was no sort of necessity for us 
to proceed further, although we had been in a better con- 
dition. But our politicians at that time had other views ; 
and a new war, must be undertaken, upon the advice of 
those, who with their partisans and adherents, were to be the 
sole gainers by it. A grand alliance l was therefore made 
between the Emperor, England, and the States-General ; by 
which, if the injuries complained of from France were not 
remedied in two months, the parties concerned were obliged 
mutually to assist each other with their whole strength. 

Thus we became principal in a war, in conjunction with 
two allies, whose share in the quarrel was, beyond all propor- 
tion, greater than ours. However, I can see no reason from 
the words of the grand alliance, by which we were obliged 
to make those prodigious expenses we have since been at. 
By what I have always heard and read, I take the " whole 
strength of the nation," as understood in that treaty, to be 
the utmost that a prince can raise annually from his subjects ; 
if he be forced to mortgage and borrow, whether at home or 
abroad, it is not, properly speaking, his own strength or that 
of the nation, but the entire substance of particular persons, 
which not being able to raise out of the annual income of his 
kingdom, he takes upon security, and can only pay the 
interest; and by this method one part of the nation is 
pawned to the other, with hardly a possibility left of being 
ever redeemed. 

1 See note on p. 105. [T. S.] 

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Surely it would have been enough for us to have sus- 
pended the payment of our debts contracted in the former 
war, and to have continued our land and malt tax, with those 
others which have since been mortgaged : These, with some 
additions, would have made up such a sum, as, with prudent 
management, might, I suppose, have maintained an hundred 
thousand men by sea and land ; a reasonable quota in all 
conscience for that ally, who apprehended least danger, and 
expected least advantage. Nor can we imagine that either 
of the confederates, when the war began, would have been 
so unreasonable, as to refuse joining with us upon such a 
foot, and expect that we should every year go between three 
and four millions in debt (which hath been our case) because 
the French could hardly have contrived any offers of a peace 
so ruinous to us as such a war. Posterity will be at a loss to 
conceive what kind of spirit could possess their ancestors, 
who after ten years suffering, by the unexampled politics of 
a nation, maintaining a war by annually pawning itself; and 
during a short peace, while they were looking back with 
horror on the heavy load of debts they had contracted ; 
universally condemning those pernicious counsels which had 
occasioned them ; racking their invention for some remedies 
or expedients to mend their shattered condition : That these 
very people, without giving themselves time to breathe, 
should again enter into a more dangerous, chargeable, and 
extensive war, for the same, or perhaps a greater period of 
time, and without any apparent necessity. It is obvious in 
a private fortune, that whoever annually runs out, and con- 
tinues the same expenses, must every year mortgage a 
greater quantity of land than he did before ; and as the debt 
doubles and trebles upon him, so doth his inability to pay 
it. By the same proportion we have suffered twice as much 
by this last ten years war, as we did by the former ; and if it 
were possible to continue it five years longer at the same 
rate, it would be as great a burthen as the whole twenty. 
This computation, so easy and trivial as it is almost a shame 
to mention, posterity will think that those who first advised 
the war, had either not the sense or the honesty to consider. 
And as we have wasted our strength and vital substance in 
this profuse manner, so we have shamefully misapplied it to 
ends at least very different from those for which we undertook 

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the war, and often to effect others which after a peace we 
may severely repent. This is the second article I proposed 
to examine. 

We have now for ten years together turned the whole 
force and expense of the war, where the enemy was best 
able to hold us at a bay; where we could propose no 
manner of advantage to ourselves; where it was highly 
impolitic to enlarge our conquests ; utterly neglecting that 
part which would have saved and gained us many millions, 
which the perpetual maxims of our government teach us to 
pursue; which would have soonest weakened the enemy, 
and must either have promoted a speedy peace, or enabled 
us to continue the war. 

Those who are fond of continuing the war cry up our 
constant success at a most prodigious rate, and reckon it 
infinitely greater than in all human probability we had reason 
to hope. Ten glorious campaigns are passed, and now at 
last, like the sick man, we are just expiring with all sorts of 
good symptoms. Did the advisers of this war suppose it 
would continue ten years, without expecting the successes 
we have had; and yet at the same time determine, that 
France must be reduced, and Spain subdued, by employing 
our whole strength upon flanders ? Did they believe the 
last war left us in a condition to furnish such vast supplies 
for so long a period, without involving us and our posterity 
in unextricable debts ? If after such miraculous doings, we 
are not yet in a condition of bringing France to our terms, 
nor can tell when we shall be so, though we should proceed 
without any reverse of fortune ; what could we look for in 
the ordinary course of things, but a Flanders war of at least 
twenty years longer ? Do they indeed think a town taken 
for the Dutch, is a sufficient recompense to us for six 
millions of money ? which is of so little consequence to the 
determining the war, that the French may yet hold out a 
dozen years more, and afford a town every campaign at the 
same price. 

I say not this, by any means, to detract from the army or 
its leaders. Getting into the enemy's lines, passing rivers, 
and taking towns, may be actions attended with many 
glorious circumstances : But when all this brings no real 
solid advantage to* us, when it hath no other end than to 

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enlarge the territories of the Dutch, and increase the fame 
and wealth of our general, 1 I conclude, however it comes 
about, that things are not as they should be; and that 
surely our forces and money might be better employed, both 
towards reducing our enemy, and working out some benefit 
to ourselves. But the case is still much harder: We are 
destroying many thousand lives, exhausting all our substance, 
not for our own interest, which would be but common 
prudence ; not for a thing indifferent, which would be suffi- 
cient folly, but perhaps to our own destruction, which is perfect 
madness. We may live to feel the effects of our valour more 
sensibly than all the consequences we imagine from the 
dominions of Spain in the Duke of Anjou. We have con- 
quered a noble territory for the States, that will maintain 
sufficient troops to defend itself, feed many hundred thou- 
sand inhabitants, where all encouragement will be given to 
introduce and improve manufactures, which was the only 
advantage they wanted; and which, added to their skill, 
industry and parsimony, will enable them to undersell us in 
every market of the world. 

Our supply of forty thousand men, according to the first 
stipulation, added to the quotas of the emperor and Holland, 
which they were obliged to furnish, would have made an 
army of near two hundred thousand, exclusive of garrisons ; 
enough to withstand all the power that France could bring 
against it; and we might have employed the rest much 
better, both for the common cause and our own advantage. 

The war in Spain must be imputed to the credulity of our 
ministers, who suffered themselves to be persuaded by the 
imperial court, that the Spaniards were so violently affected 
to the house of Austria, as upon the first appearance there, 
with a few troops under the archduke, the whole kingdom 
would immediately revolt. This we tried, and found the 
emperor to have deceived either us or himself : Yet there we 
drove on the war at a prodigious disadvantage, with great 
expense; and by a most corrupt management, the only 
general, who by a course of conduct and fortune almost 
miraculous, had nearly put us into possession of the kingdom, 
was left wholly unsupported, exposed to the envy of his 

1 The Duke of Marlborough. [T. S.] 

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rivals, disappointed by the caprices of a young unexperienced 
prince, under the guidance of a rapacious German ministry, 
and at last called home in discontent : By which our armies, 
both in Spain and Portugal, were made a sacrifice to avarice, 
ill conduct, or treachery. 1 

In common prudence, we should either have pushed that 
war with the utmost vigour, in so fortunate a juncture, 
especially since the gaining that kingdom was the great point 
for which we pretended to continue the war; or at least, 
when we had found or made that design impracticable, we 
should not have gone on in so expensive a management of 
it ; but have kept our troops on the defensive in Catalonia, 
and pursued some other way more effectual for distressing 
the common enemy, and advantaging ourselves. 

And what a noble field of honour and profit had we 
before us, wherein to employ the best of our strength, which, 
against all the maxims of British policy, we suffered to lie 
wholly neglected ? I have sometimes wondered how it came 
to pass, that the style of maritime powers, by which our 
allies, in a sort of contemptuous manner, usually couple us 
with the Dutch, did never put us in mind of the sea ; and 

1 " The only general " to whom Swift here refers is Charles Mordaunt, 
Earl of Peterborough (1658?- 1735). He was the son of John Lord 
Mordaunt, to whose estates and title he succeeded in 1675. On the 
death of his uncle in 1697 he became Earl of Peterborough. Previous 
to this, however, by favour of William of Orange, on that prince's 
accession to the English throne, he was made Earl of Monmouth and 
first commissioner of the Treasury. For his successful campaign in 
Spain in 1705 he received the thanks of Parliament and created a 
Knight of the Garter. Some of his compositions in verse have been 
printed, and Lord Mahon refers to a privately printed volume of 
letters issued in 1834. Peterborough was a very extraordinary man, 
and his character has been estimated by many writers, most of whom 
acknowledge his courage, impetuosity of temper, and extreme way- 
wardness of disposition. Macaulay describes him " as a polite, learned, 
and amorous Charles the Twelfth .... the last of the Knights 
Errant." Lord Mahon, while agreeing with Macaulay's summary, 
refers to his inconstancy and discontented spirit ; Coxe to his aptitude 
for mischief through irritation from pique and disappointed ambition. 
Swift had a great liking for him, often stayed at his house at Parson's 
Green, and refers to him in his "Journal to Stella" again and again. 
" Tis the ramblingest lying rogue on earth." Under date January 10th, 
1712-1713, he tells Stella how he met Peterborough at Lord Treasurer's, 
and finishes with, " I love the hang-dog dearly. [T. S.] 

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while some politicians were shewing us the way to Spain by 
Flanders, others by Savoy or Naples, that the West Indies 
should never come into their heads. With half the charge 
we have been at, we might have maintained our original 
quota of forty thousand men in Flanders, and at the same 
time, by our fleets and naval forces, have so distressed the 
Spaniards in the north and south seas of America, as to 
prevent any returns of money from thence, except in our own 
bottoms. This is what best, became us to do as a maritime 
power: This, with any common degree of success, would 
soon have compelled France to the necessities of a peace, 
and Spain to acknowledge the archduke. But while we, for 
ten years, have been squandering away our money upon the 
continent, France hath been wisely engrossing all the trade 
of Peru, going directly with their ships to Lima, and other 
ports, and their receiving ingots of gold and silver for French 
goods of little value ; which, beside the mighty advantage to 
their nation at present, may divert the channel of that trade 
for the future, so beneficial to us, who used to receive 
annually such vast sums at Cadiz, for our goods sent thence 
to the Spanish West Indies. All this we tamely saw and 
suffered, without the least attempt to hinder it ; except what 
was performed by some private men at Bristol, who inflamed 
by a true spirit of courage and industry, did, about three 
years ago, with a few vessels, fitted out at their own charge, 
make a most successful voyage into those parts, took one of 
the Acapulco ships, very narrowly missed of the other, and 
are lately returned laden with unenvied wealth ; to shew us 
what might have been done with the like management, by a 
public undertaking. At least we might easily have prevented 
those great returns of money to France and Spain, though 
we could not have taken it ourselves. And if it be true, as 
the advocates for war would have it, that the French are 
now so impoverished ; in what condition must they have 
been, if that issue of wealth had been stopped ? 

But great events often turn upon very small circum- 
stances. It was the kingdom's misfortune, that the sea was 
not the Duke of Marlborough's element, otherwise the 
whole force of the war would infallibly have been bestowed 
there, infinitely to the advantage of his country, which would 
then have gone hand in hand with his own. But it is very 

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truly objected, that if we alone had made such an attempt 
as this, Holland would have been jealous ; or if we had done 
it in conjunction with Holland, the house of Austria would 
have been discontented. This hath been the style of late 
years; which whoever introduced among us, they have 
taught our allies to speak after them. Otherwise it could 
hardly enter into any imagination, that while we are con- 
federates in a war with those who are to have the whole 
profit, and who leave a double share of the burthen upon us, 
we dare not think of any design, though against the common 
enemy, where there is the least prospect of doing good to 
our own country, for fear of giving umbrage and offence to 
our allies ; while we are ruining ourselves to conquer prov- 
inces and kingdoms for them. I therefore confess with 
shame, that this objection is true : For it is very well known, 
that while the design of Mr. HilPs expedition l remained a 
secret, it was suspected in Holland and Germany to be in- 
tended against Peru; whereupon the Dutch made every 
where their public complaints, and the ministers at Vienna 
talked of it as " an insolence in the Queen to attempt such 
an undertaking ; " which, however it has failed, partly by the 
accidents of a storm, and partly by the stubbornness or 
treachery of some in that colony, for whose relief, and at 
whose entreaty it was in some measure designed, is no ob- 
jection at all to an enterprise so well concerted, and with 
such fair probability of success. 

It was something singular that the States should express 
their uneasiness, when they thought we intended to make 
some attempt in the Spanish West Indies; because it is 
agreed between us, that whatever is conquered there by us 
or them, shall belong to the conqueror, which is the only 
article that I can call to mind, in all our treaties or stipula- 
tions, with any view of interest to this kingdom ; and for 

1 Major-General John Hill was the brother of Abigail Hill, the 
Lady Masham of Queen Anne. Through Marlborough's influence he 
obtained a commission in the army in 1703. The expedition referred 
to was the one he commanded in 171 1 to attack the French settlements 
in America. The expedition failed miserably, and returned to England, 
having accomplished nothing except the loss of the transports and 
over one thousand soldiers and seamen. He commanded the force in 
Dunkirk after the Treaty of Utrecht, but he was afterwards deprived of 
his regiment. [T. S.] 

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that very reason, I suppose, among others, hath been 
altogether neglected. Let those who think this too severe a 
reflection, examine the whole management of the present 
war by sea and land with all our alliances, treatises, stipula- 
tions and conventions, and consider, whether the whole does 
not look as if some particular care and industry had been 
used, to prevent any benefit or advantage that might 
possibly accrue to Britain. 

This kind of treatment from our two principal allies, hath 
taught the same dialect to all the rest ; so that there is 
hardly a petty prince, whom we half maintain by subsidies 
and pensions, who is not ready, upon every occasion, to 
threaten us, that he will recall his troops (though they must 
rob or starve at home) if we refuse to comply with him in 
any demand, however so unreasonable. 

Upon the third head I shall produce some instances, to 
shew how tamely we have suffered each of our allies to 
infringe every article in those treaties and stipulations by 
which they were bound, and to lay the load upon us. 

But before I enter upon this, which is a large subject, I 
shall take leave to offer a few remarks on certain articles in 
three of our treaties ; which may let us perceive, how much 
those ministers valued or understood the true interest, safety 
or honour of their country. 

We have made two alliances with Portugal, an offensive 
and defensive : The first is to remain in force only during 
the present war; the second to be perpetual. In the 
offensive alliance, the emperor, England and Holland are 
parties with Portugal; in the defensive only we and the 

Upon the first article of the offensive alliance it is to be 
observed, that although the grand alliance, as I have already 
said, allows England and Holland to possess for their own, 
whatever each of them shall conquer in the Spanish West 
Indies ; yet here we are quite cut out, by consenting, that 
the archduke shall possess the dominions of Spain in as full 
a manner as their late King Charles. And what is more 
remarkable, we broke this very article in favour of Portugal, 
by subsequent stipulations ; where we agree, that K. Charles 
shall deliver up Estremadura, Vigo, and some other places 
to the Portuguese, as soon as we can conquer them from the 

v. G 

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enemy. They who were guilty of so much folly and contra- 
diction, know best whether it proceeded from corruption or 

By two other articles (beside the honour of being convoys 
and guards in ordinary to the Portuguese ships and coasts) 
we are to guess the enemy's thoughts, and to take the King 
of Portugal's word, whenever he has a fancy that he shall be 
invaded : We are also to furnish him with a strength superior 
to what the enemy intends to invade any of his dominions 
with, let that be what it will : And, till we know what the 
enemy's forces are, His Portuguese Majesty is sole judge 
what strength is superior, and what will be able to prevent 
an invasion ; and may send our fleets, whenever he pleases, 
upon his errands, to some of the furthest parts of the world, 
or keep them attending upon his own coasts till he thinks 
fit to dismiss them. These fleets must likewise be subject 
in all things, not only to the king, but to his viceroys, ad- 
mirals and governors, in any of his foreign dominions, when 
he is in a humour to apprehend an invasion ; which, I be- 
lieve, is an indignity that was never offered before, except to 
a conquered nation. 

In the defensive alliance with that crown, which is to 
remain perpetual, and where only England and Holland are 
parties with them, the same care, in almost the same words, 
is taken for our fleet to attend their coasts and foreign 
dominions, and to be under the same obedience. We and 
the States are likewise to furnish them with twelve thousand 
men at our own charge, which we are constantly to recruit, 
and these are to be subject to the Portuguese generals. 

In the offensive alliance we took no care of having the 
assistance of Portugal, whenever we should be invaded: 
But in this, it seems, we were wiser ; for that king is obliged 
to make war on France or Spain, whenever we or Holland 
are invaded by either; but before this, we are to supply 
them with the same forces, both by sea and land, as if he 
were invaded himself: And this must needs be a very 
prudent and safe course for a maritime power to take upon 
a sudden invasion ; by which, instead of making use of our 
fleets and armies for our own defence, we must send them 
abroad for the defence of Portugal. 

By the thirteenth article we are told, what this assistance 

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is which the Portuguese are to give us, and upon what con- 
ditions. They are to furnish ten men of war ; and when 
England or Holland shall be invaded by France and Spain 
together, or by Spain alone ; in either of these cases, those 
ten Portuguese men of war are to serve only upon their own 
coasts, where, no doubt, they will be of mighty use to their 
allies, and terror to the enemy. 

How the Dutch were drawn to have a part in either of 
these two alliances, is not very material to enquire, since 
they have been so wise as never to observe them, nor, I 
suppose, ever intended it, but resolved, as they have since 
done, to shift the load upon us. 

Let any man read these two treaties from the beginning 
to the end, he will imagine, that the King of Portugal and 
his ministers sat down and made them by themselves, and 
then sent them to their allies to sign ; the whole spirit and 
tenor of them, quite through, running only upon this single 
point, what we and Holland are to do for Portugal, without 
any mention of an equivalent, except those ten ships, which 
at the time when we have greatest need of their assistance, 
are obliged to attend upon their own coasts. 

The barrier treaty between Great Britain and Holland, 
was concluded at the Hague on the 29th of October, in the 
year 1709. In this treaty, neither Her Majesty nor her 
kingdoms have any interest or concern, farther than what is 
mentioned in the second and the twentieth articles : By the 
former, the States are to assist the Queen in defending the 
act of succession ; and by the other, not to treat of a peace 
till France acknowledges the Queen and the succession of 
Hanover, and promises to remove the Pretender out of his 

As to the first of these, it is certainly for the safety and 
interest of the States-General, that the Protestant succession 
should be preserved in England; because such a popish 
prince as we apprehend, would infallibly join with France in 
the ruin of that republic. And the Dutch are as much 
bound to support our succession, as they are tied to any 
part of a treaty of league offensive and defensive, against a 
common enemy, without any separate benefit upon that 
consideration. Her Majesty is in the full peaceable posses- 
sion of her kingdoms, and of the hearts of her people; 

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among whom, hardly one in five hundred 1 is in the Pre- 
tender's interest. And whether the assistance of the Dutch, 
to preserve a right so well established, be an equivalent to 
those many unreasonable exorbitant articles in the rest of 
the treaty, let the world judge. What an impression of our 
settlement must it give abroad, to see our ministers offering 
such conditions to the Dutch, to prevail on them to be 
guarantees of our acts of parliament! Neither perhaps is 
it right, in point of policy or good sense, that a foreign 
power should be called in to confirm our succession by 
way of guarantee; but only to acknowledge it. Other- 
wise we put it out of the power of our own legislature to 
change our succession, without the consent of that prince 
or state who is guarantee, how much soever the necessities 
of the kingdom may require it. a 

As to the other article, it is a natural consequence that 
must attend any treaty of peace we can make with France ; 
being only the acknowledgment of Her Majesty as queen of 
her own dominions, and the right of succession by our own 
laws, which no foreign power hath any pretence to dispute. 

However, in order to deserve these mighty advantages 
from the States, the rest of the treaty is wholly taken up in 
directing what we are to do for them. 

By the grand alliance, which was the foundation of the 
present war, the Spanish Low Countries were to be recovered 
and delivered to the King of Spain : But by this treaty, 
that prince is to possess nothing in Flanders during the 
war : and after a peace, the States are to have the military 
command of about twenty towns with their dependencies, 
and four hundred thousand crowns a year from the King 
of Spain to maintain their garrisons. By which means they 
will have the command of all Flanders, from Nieuport on 
the Sea to Namur on the Meuse, and be entirely masters 

1 Later editions have a " thousand." [T. S.] 

a In the fourth, fifth, and seventh editions of this pamphlet, the text 
beginning with " how much soever n to the end of the paragraph reads 
thus : " however our posterity may hereafter, by the tyranny and oppres- 
sion of any succeeding princes, be reduced to the fatal necessity of 
breaking in upon the excellent and happy settlement now in force. " 
In the first, second, third, and sixth editions the reading is as above. 
Scott follows the later version. See Postscript on p. 123. [T. S.] 

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of the Pays de Waas, the richest part of those provinces. 
Further, they have liberty to garrison any place they shall 
think fit in the Spanish Low Countries, whenever there is 
an appearance of war; and consequently to put garrisons 
into Ostend, or where else they please, upon a rupture with 

By this treaty likewise, the Dutch will, in effect, be entire 
masters of all the Low Countries, may impose duties, re- 
strictions in commerce, and prohibitions at their pleasure; 
and in that fertile country may set up all sorts of manu- 
factures, particularly the woollen, by inviting the disobliged 
manufacturers in Ireland, and the French refugees, who are 
scattered all over Germany. And as this manufacture in- 
creases abroad, the clothing people of England will be 
necessitated, for want of employment, to follow ; and in 
few years, by help of the low interest of money in Holland, 
Flanders may recover that beneficial trade which we got 
from them : The landed men of England will then be forced 
to re-establish the staples of wool abroad ; and the Dutclv 
instead of being only the carriers, will become the original 
possessors of those commodities, with which the greatest 
part of the trade of the world is now carried on. And as 
they increase their trade, it is obvious they will enlarge their 
strength at sea, and that ours must lessen in proportion. 

All the ports in Flanders are to be subject to the like 
duties the Dutch shall lay upon the Scheldt, which is to be 
closed on the side of the States: Thus all other nations are, 
in effect, shut out from trading with Flanders. Yet in the 
very same article it is said, that the States shall be " favoured 
in all the Spanish dominions as much as Great Britain, or as 
the people most favoured." We have conquered Flanders 
for them, and are in a worse condition, as to our trade there, 
than before the war began. We have been the great sup- 
port of the King of Spain, to whom the Dutch have hardly 
contributed any thing at all ; and yet " they are to be equally 
favoured with us in all his dominions." Of all this, the 
Queen is under the unreasonable obligation of being 
guarantee, and that they shall possess their barrier, and 
their four hundred thousand crowns a year, even before a 

It is to be observed, that this treaty was only signed by 

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one of our plenipotentiaries : l And I have been told, that 
the other 8 was heard to say, He would rather lose his right 
hand, than set it to such a treaty. Had he spoke those 
words in due season, and loud enough to be heard on this 
side the water, considering the credit he then had at court, 
he might have saved much of his country's honour, and got 
as much to himself: Therefore, if the report be true, I am 
inclined to think he only said it. I have been likewise told, 
that some very necessary circumstances were wanting in the 
entrance upon this treaty; but the ministers here rather 
chose to sacrifice the honour of the crown, and the safety of 
their country, than not ratify what one of their favourites 
had transacted. 

Let me now consider in what manner our allies have ob- 
served those treaties they made with us, and the several 
stipulations and agreements pursuant to them. 

By the grand alliance between the Empire, England and 
Holland, we were to assist the other two, Mis viribus^ by 
sea and land. By a convention subsequent to this treaty, 
the proportions which the several parties should contribute 
towards the war, were adjusted in the following manner. 
The emperor was obliged to furnish ninety thousand men 
against France, either in Italy, or upon the Rhine : Holland 
to bring sixty thousand into the field in Flanders, exclusive 
of garrisons; and we forty thousand. In winter, 1702, 
which was the next year, the Duke of Marlborough pro- 
posed the raising of ten thousand men more, by way of 
augmentation, and to carry on the war with greater vigour ; 
to which the parliament agreed, and the Dutch were to raise 
the same number. This was upon a par, directly contrary 
to the former stipulation, whereby our part was to be a 

1 Lord Townshend. Charles Townshend (1674- 1 738) was the second 
viscount of that name. He was appointed ambassador extraordinary 
and plenipotentiary to the States-General on May 2nd, 1709. He 
became a strong and ceaseless opponent of the Harley-Bolingbroke 
ministry, and with Walpole was afterwards conspicuous in the affairs 
of State. His ingratiation with the king's mistress, the Duchess of 
Kendal, obtained tor him the dignity of the Order of the Garter. It is 
to Townshend, however, that Bolingbroke owed his pardon and partial 
restitution. See "Diet. Nat. Biog.," Coxe's "Walpole," and Coxe's 
"Marlborough." [T. S.] 

a Duke of Marlborough. 

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third less than theirs; and therefore it was granted, with 
a condition, that Holland should break off all trade and 
commerce with France. But this condition was never 
executed, the Dutch only amusing us with a specious de- 
claration till our session of parliament was ended ; and the 
following year it. was taken off, by concert between our 
general and the States, without any reason assigned for the 
satisfaction of the kingdom. The next and some ensuing 
campaigns, further additional forces were allowed by parlia- 
ment for the war in Flanders ; and in every new supply, the 
Dutch gradually lessened their proportions; though the 
parliament addressed the Queen that the States might be 
desired to observe them according to agreement, which had 
no other effect, than to teach them to elude it, by making 
their troops nominal corps, as they did by keeping up the 
numbers of regiments, but sinking a fifth part of the men 
and money. So that now things are just inverted, and in all 
new levies we contribute a third more than the Dutch, who 
at first were obliged to the same proportion more than us. 1 

Besides, the more towns we conquer for the States, the 
worse condition we are in towards reducing the common 
enemy, and consequently of putting an end to the war. For 
they make no scruple of employing the troops of their quota, 
towards garrisoning every town as fast as it is taken, directly 
contrary to the agreement between us, by which all garrisons 
are particularly excluded. This is at length arrived by 
several steps to such a height, that there are at present in 
the field, not so many forces under the Duke of Marlborough's 
command in Flanders, as Britain alone maintains for that 
service, nor have been for some years past 2 

1 Dr. Hare, the Duke of Marlborough's chaplain, in his reply to 
Swift, in the pamphlet entitled, "The Allies and the late Ministry 
defended," strongly denies this statement. [T. S.] 

* In the second edition this paragraph concludes with the addition of 
the following : " And it is well known that the battles of Hochstett 
and Ramillies were fought with not above fifty thousand men on a side." 
In the fourth edition this paragraph concludes with the addition of the 
following : " The troops we maintain in Flanders (as appears by the 
votes of the House of Commons for the year 1 709), are forty thousand 
the original quota ; ten thousand the first augmentation ; three thousand 
Palatines; four thousand six hundred thirty-nine Saxons; Bothmar's 
regiment of eight hundred men ; and a further augmentation taken that 
year into the service of about two thousand ; making in the whole 

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The Duke of Marlborough having entered the enemy's 
lines, and taken Bouchain, formed the design of keeping so 
great a number of troops, and particularly of cavalry, in 
Lille, Tournay, Douay, and the country between, as should 
be able to harass all the neighbouring provinces of France 
during the winter, prevent the enemy from erecting their 
magazines, and by consequence from subsisting their forces 
next spring, and render it impossible for them to assemble 
their army another year, without going back behind the 
Somme to do it. In order to effect this project, it was 
necessary to be at an expense extraordinary of forage for 
the troops, of building stables, finding fire and candle for 
the soldiers, with other incident charges. The Queen 
readily agreed to furnish her share of the first article, that 
of the forage, which only belonged to her. But the States 
insisting that Her Majesty should likewise come into a 
proportion of the other articles, which in justice belonged 
totally to them : She agreed even to that, rather than a 
design of this importance should fail. And yet we know 
it hath failed, and that the Dutch refused their consent, 
till the time was past for putting it in execution, even in 
the opinion of those who proposed it. Perhaps a certain 
article in the treaties of contributions, submitted to by 
such of the French dominions as pay them to the States, 
was the principal cause of defeating this project; since 
one great advantage to have been gained by it, was, as 
before is mentioned, to have hindered the enemy from 
erecting their magazines; and one article in those treaties 
of contributions is, that the product of those countries 
shall pass free and unmolested. So that the question 
was reduced to this short issue, whether the Dutch should 
lose this paltry benefit, or the common cause an advantage 
of such mighty importance. 

The sea being the element where we might most probably 
carry on the war with any advantage to ourselves, it was 
agreed that we should bear five-eighths of the charge in that 
service, and the Dutch the other three : And by the grand 
Mliance, whatever we or Holland should conquer in the 

upwards of sixty thousand : And it is well known that the battles of 
Hochstett and Ramillies were fought with not above fifty thousand men 
on a side." Thus also in seventh edition. [T. S.] 

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Spanish West Indies, was to accrue to the conquerors. It 
might therefore have been hoped, that this maritime ally of 
ours, would have made up in their fleet, what they fell short 
in their army ; but quite otherwise, they never once furnished 
their quota either of ships or men ; or if some few of their 
fleet now and then appeared, it was no more than appearing, 
for they immediately separated to look to their merchants 
and protect their trade. And we may remember very well 
when these guarantees of our succession, after having not 
one ship for many months together in the Mediterranean, 
sent that part of their quota thither, and furnished nothing 
to us, at the same time that they alarmed us with the 
rumour of an invasion. And last year, when Sir James 
Wishart l was dispatched into Holland to expostulate with the 
States, and to desire they would make good their agreements, 
in so important a part of the service, he met with such a 
reception as ill became a republic to give, that lies under so 
many great obligations to us ; in short, such a one, as those 
only deserve, who are content to take. 

It hath likewise been no small inconvenience to us, that 
the Dutch are always slow in paying their subsidies, by 
which means the weight and pressure of the payment lies 
upon the Queen, as well as the blame, if Her Majesty be 
not very exact ; nor will even this always content our allies. 
For in July 171 1, the King of Spain was paid all his 
subsidies to the first of January next ; nevertheless he hath 
since complained for want of money; and his secretary 
threatened, that if we would not further supply His Majesty, 
he could not answer for what might happen ; although King 
Charles had not at that time, one third of the troops for 
which he was paid ; and even those he had, were neither 
paid nor clothed. 

[I shall add one example more, to shew how this prince 
has treated the Queen, to whom he owes such infinite 
obligations. Her Majesty borrowed two hundred thousand 
pounds from the Genoese, and sent it to Barcelona, for the 

1 Sir James Wishart (d. 1729) was one of Rooke's captains. He 
was one of the lords of the admiralty in 17 10. In February, 1711-12, 
he was sent to Holland as Commissioner ; but, on the accession of 
George I., was summarily dismissed from his command in the Medi 
terranean for meddling in politics. [T. S.] 

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payment of the Spanish army : This money was to be re- 
coined into the current species of Catalonia, which by the 
alloy is lower in value 25/. per cent The Queen expected, 
as she had reason, to have the benefit of this re-coinage, 
offering to apply it all to the use of the war ; but King 
Charles, instead of consenting to this, made a grant of the 
coinage to one of his courtiers ; which put a stop to the 
work : And when it was represented, that the army would 
starve by this delay, His Majesty only replied, " Let them 
starve ! " and would not recall his grant.] 1 

I cannot forbear mentioning here another passage concern- 
ing subsidies, to shew what opinion foreigners have of our 
easiness, and how much they reckon themselves masters of 
our money, whenever they think fit to call for it. The 
Queen was by agreement to pay two hundred thousand 
crowns a year to the Prussian troops, the States one hundred 
thousand, and the emperor only thirty thousand, for recruit- 
ing, which his Imperial Majesty never paid. Prince Eugene 
happening to pass by Berlin, the ministers of that court 
applied themselves to him for redress in this particular ; and 
His Highness very frankly promised them, that in considera- 
tion of this deficiency, Britain and the States should increase 
their subsidies to seventy thousand crowns more between 
them, and that the emperor should be punctual for the time 
to come : This was done by that prince, without any orders 
or power whatsoever. The Dutch very reasonably refused 
consenting to it ; but the Prussian minister here, making his 
applications at our court, prevailed on us to agree to our 
proportion, before we could hear what resolution would be 
taken in Holland. It is therefore to be hoped, that his 
Prussian Majesty, at the end of this war, will not have the 
same cause of complaint, which he had at the close of the 
last ; that his military chest was emptier by twenty thousand 
crowns, than at the time that war began. 

The emperor, as we have already said, was by stipulation 
to furnish ninety thousand men against the common enemy, 
as having no fleets to maintain, and in right of his family 
being most concerned in the success of the war. However, 
this agreement hath been so ill observed, that from the 

1 This paragraph was introduced into the second edition. [T. S.] 

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beginning of the war to this day, neither of the two last 
emperors had ever twenty thousand men on their own 
account in the common cause, excepting once in Italy, 
when the imperial court exerted itself in a point they have 
much more at heart than that of gaining Spain or the Indies 
to their family. When they had succeeded in their attempts 
on the side of Italy, and observed our blind zeal for pushing 
on the war at all adventures, they soon found out the most 
effectual expedient to excuse themselves. They computed 
easily, that it would cost them less to make large presents to 
one single person, than to pay an army, and turn to as good 
account. 1 They thought they could not put their affairs into 
better hands ; and therefore wisely left us to fight their battles. 

Besides, it appeared by several instances, how little the 
emperor regarded his allies, or the cause they were engaged 
in, when once he thought the empire itself was secure. 
Tis known enough, that he might several times have made 
a peace with his discontented subjects in Hungary, upon 
terms not at all unbefitting either his dignity or interest : 
But he rather chose to sacrifice the whole alliance to his 
private passion, by entirely subduing and enslaving a miser- 
able people, who had but too much provocation to take up 
arms to free themselves from the oppressions under which 
they were groaning : Yet this must serve as an excuse for 
breaking his agreement, and diverting so great a body of 
troops, which might have been employed against France. 

Another instance of the emperor's indifference, or rather 
dislike to the common cause of the allies, is the business of 
Toulon. 2 This design was indeed discovered here at home, 
by a person whom every body knows to be the creature of a 
certain great man, at least as much noted for his skill in 
gaming as in politics, upon the base mercenary end of 
getting money by wagers ; which was then so common a 
practice, that I remember a gentleman in business, who 
having the curiosity to enquire how wagers went upon the 
Exchange, found some people, deep in the secret, to have 

1 This refers to the sums of money Marlborough is supposed to have 
received for himself, and to the fact that the Emperor Leopold made 
him a Prince of Mindelheim. 

2 For an account of the failure to capture Toulon, see Coxe's " Marl- 
borough," vol. ii. pp. 140-144 (Bohn edition). [T. S.] 

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been concerned in that kind of traffic, as appeared by 
premiums named for towns, which nobody but those behind 
the curtain could suspect However, although this project 
had gotten wind by so scandalous a proceeding, yet Toulon 
might probably have been taken, if the emperor had not 
thought fit, in that very juncture, to detach twelve or fifteen 
thousand men to seize Naples, as an enterprise that was 
more his private and immediate interest But it was mani- 
fest that his Imperial Majesty had no mind to see Toulon in 
possession of the allies ; for even with these discouragements 
the attempt might have yet succeeded, if Prince Eugene had 
not thought fit to oppose it ; which cannot be imputed to his 
own judgment, but to some politic reasons of his court. 
The Duke of Savoy was for attacking the enemy, as soon as 
our army arrived ; but when the Marichal de Tessa's 1 troops 
were all come up, to pretend to besiege the place, in the 
condition we were at that time, was a farce and a jest. Had 
Toulon fallen then into our hands, the maritime power of 
France would, in a great measure, have been destroyed. 

But a much greater instance than either of the foregoing, 
how little the emperor regarded us or our quarrel, after all 
we had done to save his imperial crown, and to assert the 
title of his brother to the monarchy of Spain, may be brought 
from the proceedings of that court not many months ago. 
It was judged, that a war carried on upon the side of Italy, 
would cause a great diversion of the French forces, wound 
them in a very tender part, and facilitate the progress of our 
arms in Spain, as well as Flanders. It was proposed to the 
Duke of Savoy to make this diversion ; and not only a 
diversion during the summer, but the winter too, by taking 
quarters on this side of the hills. Only in order to make 
him willing and able to perform this work, two points were 
to be settled. First, It was necessary to end the dispute 
between the imperial court, and his Royal Highness ; which 
had no other foundation, than the emperor's refusing to 
make good some articles of that treaty, on the faith of which 
the Duke engaged in the present war, and for the execution 
whereof Britain and Holland became guarantees, at the 
request of the late Emperor Leopold. To remove this 

1 The Marechal de Tesse was the commander sent by Louis XIV. to 
relieve Toulon from the attack by Prince Eugene. 

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difficulty, the Earl of Peterborough was dispatched to Vienna, 
got over some parts.of those disputes, to the satisfaction of the 
Duke of Savoy, and had put the rest in a fair way of being 
accommodated, at the time the emperor Joseph died. Upon 
which great event, the Duke of Savoy took the resolution of 
putting himself immediately at the head of the army, though 
the whole matter was not finished, since the common cause 
required his assistance ; and that until a new emperor were 
elected, it was impossible to make good the treaty to him. 
In order to enable him, the only thing he asked was, that 
he should be reinforced by the imperial court with eight 
thousand men, before the end of the campaign. Mr. Whit- 
worth l was sent to Vienna to make this proposal ; and it is 
credibly reported, that he was empowered, rather than fail, 
to offer forty thousand pounds for the march of those eight 
thousand men, if he found it was want of ability, and not in- 
clination, that hindered the sending them. But he was so far 
from succeeding, that it was said, the ministers of that court 
did not so much as give him an opportunity to tempt them 
with any particular sums ; but cut off all his hopes at once, 
by alleging the impossibility of complying with the Queen's 
demands, upon any consideration whatsoever. They could 
not plead their old excuse of the war in Hungary, which was 
then brought to an end : They had nothing to offer but some 
general speculative reasons, which it would expose them to 
repeat ; and so, after much delay, and many trifling pretences, 
they utterly refused so small and seasonable an assistance ; 
to the ruin of a project that would have more terrified 
France, and caused a greater diversion of their forces, 
than a much more numerous army in any other part. 
Thus, for want of eight thousand men, for whose winter 
campaign the Queen was willing to give forty thousand 
pounds; and for want of executing the design I lately 
mentioned, of hindering the enemy from erecting magazines, 
towards which Her Majesty was ready, not only to bear her 
own proportion, but a share of that which the States were 

1 Afterwards Lord Whitworth. He was secretary to the English 
ambassador at Vienna, but became ambassador himself at the Court of 
St Petersburg. He died in 1725. His "Account of Russia" was 
printed by Horace Walpole at the Strawberry Hill private press. 
[T. S.] 

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obliged to ; our hopes of taking winter quarters in the north 
and south parts of France are eluded, and the war left in 
that method, which is like to continue it longest. Can there 
an example be given in the whole course of this war, where 
we have treated the pettiest prince, with whom we had to 
deal, in so contemptuous a manner? Did we ever once 
consider what we could afford, or what we were obliged to, 
when our assistance was desired, even while we lay under 
immediate apprehensions of being invaded ? 

When Portugal came, as a confederate into the grand 
alliance, it was stipulated, That the empire, England and 
Holland, should each maintain four thousand men of their 
own troops in that kingdom, and pay between them a 
million of patacoons to the King of Portugal, for the support 
of twenty-eight thousand Portuguese ; which number of forty 
thousand, was to be the confederate army against Spain on 
the Portugal side. This treaty was ratified by all the three 
powers. But in a short time after, the emperor declared 
himself unable to comply with his part of the agreement, 
and so left the two- thirds upon us; who very generously 
undertook that burthen, and at the same time two-thirds of 
the subsidies for maintenance of the Portuguese troops. 
But neither is this, the worst part of the story : For, although 
the Dutch did indeed send their own particular quota of 
four thousand men to Portugal (which however they would 
not agree to, but upon condition, that the other two-thirds 
should be supplied by us;) yet they never took care to 
recruit them : For in the year 1706, the Portuguese, British 
and Dutch forces, having marched with the Earl of Galway ! 
into Castile, and by the noble conduct of that general being 
forced to retire into Valencia, it was found necessary to 
raise a new army on the Portugal side ; where the Queen 
hath, at several times, increased her establishment to ten 
thousand five hundred men, and the Dutch never replaced 
one single man, nor paid one penny of their subsidies to 
Portugal in six years. 

The Spanish army on the side of Catalonia is, or ought to 
be, about fifty thousand men (exclusive of Portugal) : And 
here the war hath been carried on almost entirely at our cost. 

1 See note on p. 20. [T. S.] 

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For this whole army is paid by the Queen, excepting only 
seven battalions and fourteen squadrons of Dutch and 
Palatines ; and even fifteen hundred of these are likewise in 
our pay ; besides the sums given to King Charles for sub- 
sidies and the maintenance of his court. Neither are our 
troops at Gibraltar included within this number. And 
further, we alone have been at all the charge of transporting 
the forces first sent from Genoa to Barcelona ; and of all the 
imperial recruits from time to time : and have likewise paid 
vast sums as levy-money, for every individual man and horse 
so furnished to recruit, though the horses were scarce worth 
the price of transportation. But this hath been almost the 
constant misfortune of our fleet, during the present war; 
instead of being employed on some enterprise for the good 
of the nation, or even for the protection of our trade, to be 
wholly taken up in transporting soldiers. 

We have actually conquered all Bavaria, Ulm, Augsburg, 
Landau, and a great part of Alsace, for the emperor ; and 
by the troops we have furnished, the armies we have paid, 
and the diversions we have given to the enemies' forces, 
have chiefly contributed to the conquests of Milan, Mantua 
and Mirandola, and to the recovery of the dutchy of Modena. 
The last emperor drained the wealth of those countries into 
his own coffers, without increasing his troops against France 
by such mighty acquisitions, or yielding to the most reason- 
able requests we have made. 

Of the many towns we have taken for the Dutch, we have 
consented, by the barrier treaty, that all those which were 
not in possession of Spain, upon the death of the late 
Catholic king, shall be part of the States dominions, and 
that they shall have the military power in the most con- 
siderable of the rest ; which is, in effect, to be the absolute 
sovereigns of the whole. And the Hollanders have already 
made such good use of their time, that, in conjunction with 
our general, the oppressions of Flanders are much greater 
than ever. 

And this treatment, which we have received from our two 
principal allies, hath been pretty well copied by most other 
princes in the confederacy, with whom we have any dealings. 
For instance, seven Portuguese regiments after the battle of 
Almanza, went off, with the rest of that broken army, to 

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Catalonia ; the King of Portugal said, he was not able to 
pay them, while they were out of his country ; the Queen 
consented therefore to do it herself, provided the king would 
raise as many more to supply their place. This he engaged 
to do, but never performed. Notwithstanding which, his 
subsidies were constantly paid him by my Lord Godolphin, 
for almost four years, without any deduction upon account 
of those seven regiments ; directly contrary to the seventh 
article of our offensive alliance with that crown, where it is 
agreed, that a deduction shall be made out of those subsidies, 
in proportion to the number of men wanting in that comple- 
ment, which the king is to maintain. But whatever might 
have been the reasons for this proceeding, it seems they are 
above the understanding of the present lord-treasurer ; x who 
not entering into those refinements, of paying the public 
money upon private considerations, hath been so uncourtly 
as to stop it. This disappointment, I suppose, hath put the 
court of Lisbon upon other expedients of raising the price of 
forage, so as to force us either to lessen our number of 
troops, or be at double expense in maintaining them ; and 
this at a time when their own product, as well as the import 
of corn, was never greater ; and of demanding a duty upon 
the soldiers' clothes we carry over for those troops, which 
have been their sole defence against an inveterate enemy ; 
and whose example might have infused courage, as well as 
taught them discipline, if their spirits had been capable of 
receiving either. 

In order to augment our forces every year, in the same 
proportion as those, for whom we fight, diminish theirs, we 
have been obliged to hire troops from several princes of the 
empire, whose ministers and residents here, have perpetually 
importuned the court with unreasonable demands, under 
which our late ministers thought fit to be passive. For 
those demands were always backed with a threat to recall 
their soldiers, which was a thing not to be heard of, because 
it might discontent the Dutch. In the mean time those 
princes never sent their contingent to the emperor, as by 
the laws of the empire they are obliged to do, but gave 
for their excuse, that we had already hired all they could 
possibly spare. 

1 Earl of Oxford. [T. S.] 

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But if all this be true: If, according to what I have 
affirmed, we began this war contrary to reason : If, as the 
other party themselves, upon all occasions, acknowledge, 
the success we have had was more than we could reasonably 
expect : If, after all our success, we have not made that use of 
it, which in reason we ought to have done : If we have made 
weak and foolish bargains with our allies, suffered them 
tamely to break every article even in those bargains to our 
disadvantage, and allowed them to treat us with insolence 
and contempt, at the very instant when we were gaining 
towns, provinces, and kingdoms for them, at the price of our 
ruin, and without any prospect of interest to ourselves : If 
we have consumed all our strength in attacking the enemy 
on the strongest side, where (as the old Duke of Schomberg l 
expressed it) " to engage with France, was to take a bull by 
the horns ; " and left wholly unattempted, that part of the 
war, which could only enable us to continue or to end it : If 
all this, I say, be our case, it is a very obvious question to 
ask, by what motives, or what management, we are thus 
become the dupes and bubbles of Europe ? Surely it cannot 
be owing to the stupidity arising from the coldness of our 
climate, since those among our allies, who have given us 
most reason to complain, are as far removed from the sun as 

If in laying open the real causes of our present misery, I 
am forced to speak with some freedom, I think it will require 
no apology ; Reputation is the smallest sacrifice those can 
make us, who have been the instruments of our ruin; 

1 Frederick Herman, Duke of Schomberg, or Schonberg (1615-1690). 
He was a fine specimen of the professional soldier, fighting wherever he 
was wanted, and for such terms as he chose to obtain. He defeated 
Don John of Austria at Almeixal. Louis XIV. made him a marshal 
after the death of Turenne, and he fought against William of Orange. 
Dissatisfied with the state of affairs in France, he offered his services to 
William, and they were accepted. Both landed at Torbay. He was 
presented with the Order of the Garter, created Marquis of Harwich and 
Duke of Schomberg, and received from parliament a gift of £100,000. 
This sum, however, he afterwards placed at William's disposal for 
carrying on the war in Ireland against James II. He was killed at the 
Battle of the Boyne, and buried under the altar in St. Patrick's Cathe- 
dral, Dublin. It was left to Swift to write a suitable inscription on the 
tablet he had placed to the memory of a courteous and brave warrior. 
[T. S.] 

V. H 

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because it is that, for which in all probability they have the 
least value. So that in exposing the actions of such persons, 
I cannot be said, properly speaking, to do them an injury. 
But as it will be some satisfaction to the people, to know by 
whom they have been so long abused ; so it may be of great 
use to us and our posterity, not to trust the safety of their 
country in the hands of those, who act by such principles, 
and from such motives. 

I have already observed, that when the counsels of this 
war were debated in the late king's time, a certain great 
man was then so averse from entering into it, tliat he rather 
chose to give up his employment, and tell the king he could 
serve him no longer. Upon that prince's death, although 
the grounds of our quarrel with France had received no 
manner of addition, yet this lord thought fit to alter his 
sentiments ; for the scene was quite changed ; his lordship, 
and the family with whom he was engaged by so complicated 
an alliance, were in the highest credit possible with the 
Queen. The treasurer's staff was ready for his lordship, the 
Duke was to command the army, and the Duchess by her 
employments, and the favour she was possessed of, to be 
always nearest Her Majesty's person ; by which the whole 
power, at home and abroad, would be devolved upon that 
family. 1 This was a prospect so very inviting, that, to con- 
fess the truth, it could not be easily withstood by any who 
have so keen an appetite for wealth or ambition. By an 
agreement subsequent to the grand alliance, we were to 
assist the Dutch with forty thousand men, all to be com- 

1 The Duchess of Marlborough was of opinion that it was the Queen's 
confidence in their High Church principles which enabled " that family " 
to come into power. "lam firmly persuaded," she says in the work 
entitled, " Account of the Conduct of the Duchess Dowager of Marl- 
borough " (1742, p. 125), " that notwithstanding her [the Queen's] extra- 
ordinary affection for me, and the entire devotion which my Lord 
Marlborough and my Lord Godolphin had for many years shown to her 
service, they would not have had so great a share of her favour and con- 
fidence, if they had not been reckoned in the number of the Tories. 
The truth is, though both these lords had always the real interest of the 
nation at heart, and had given proof of this by their conduct in the 
several employments, in the late reign, they had been educated in the 
persuasion that the High Church party were the best friends of the Con- 
stitution, both of Church and State ; nor were they perfectly undeceived 
but by experience. " [T. S. ] 

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manded by the Duke of Marlborough. So that whether this 
war were prudently begun or not, it is plain, that the true 
spring or motive of it, was the aggrandizing a particular 
family, and in short, a war of the general and the ministry, 
and not of the prince or people ; since those very persons 
were against it when they knew the power, and consequently 
the profit, would be in other hands. 

With these measures fell in all that set of people, who are 
called the monied men; such as had raised vast sums by 
trading with stocks and funds, and lending upon great 
interest and premiums ; whose perpetual harvest is war, and 
whose beneficial way of traffic must very much decline by a 

In that whole chain of encroachments made upon us by 
the Dutch, which I have above deduced, and under those 
several gross impositions from other princes, if any one 
should ask, why our general continued so easy to the last ? 
I know no other way probable, or indeed so charitable to 
account for it, as by that unanswerable love of wealth, 
which his best friends allow to be his predominant passion. 
However, I shall waive any thing that is personal upon this 
subject. I shall say nothing of those great presents made 
by several princes, which the soldiers used to call winter 
foraging, and said it was better than that of the summer ; 
of two and an half per cent subtracted out of all the sub- 
sidies we pay in those parts, which amounts to no incon- 
siderable sum ; and lastly, of the grand perquisites in a long 
successful war, which are so amicably adjusted between him 
and the States. 1 

But when the war was thus begun, there soon fell in other 
incidents here at home, which made the continuance of it 
necessary for those, who were the chief advisers. The 
Whigs were at that time out of all credit or consideration : 
The reigning favourites had always carried what was called 

1 No reader of Marlborough's life, however prejudiced, can afford to 
overlook Archdeacon Coxe's defence of his hero against the charges 
of peculation and bribery. At the time this pamphlet was published, 
Marlborough was on the eve of being dismissed from all his employ- 
ments, and a body of commissioners were to report on the charges 
against him. Indeed, Swift's tract was no small factor in the series of 
causes which brought about the Duke's disgrace. The " grand per- 
quisites," however, to which Swift here refers, were not denied. [T. S.] 




the Tory principle, at least as high, as our constitution 
could bear; and most others in great employments, were 
wholly in the church interest These last, among whom 
several were persons of the greatest merit, quality, and con- 
sequence, were not able to endure the many instances of 
pride, insolence, avarice and ambition, which those favourites 
began so early to discover, nor to see them presuming to be 
the sole dispensers of the royal favour. However, their 
opposition was to no purpose ; they wrestled with too great 
a power, and were soon crushed under it. For, those in 
possession finding they could never be quiet in their usurpa- 
tions, while others had any credit, who were at least upon 
an equal foot of merit, began to make overtures to the dis- 
carded Whigs, who would be content with any terms of 
accommodation. Thus commenced this "solemn league 
and covenant," which hath ever since been cultivated with 
so much application. The great traders in money were 
wholly devoted to the Whigs, who had first raised them. 
The army, the court, and the treasury, continued under the 
old despotic administration : The Whigs were received into 
employment, left to manage the parliament, cry down the 
landed interest, and worry the church. Mean time, our 
allies, who were not ignorant, that all this artificial structure 
had no true foundation in the hearts of the people, resolved 
to make their best use of it, as long as it should last. And 
the general's credit being raised to a great height at home 
by our success in Flanders, the Dutch began their gradual 
impositions; lessening their quotas, breaking their stipula- 
tions, garrisoning the towns we took for them, without sup- 
plying their troops; with many other infringements: All 
which we were forced to submit to, because the general was 
made easy ; because the monied men at home were fond of 
the war; because the Whigs were not yet firmly settled; 
and because that exorbitant degree of power, which was 
built upon a supposed necessity of employing particular 
persons, would go off in a peace. It is needless to add, 
that the emperor, and other princes, followed the example 
of the Dutch, and succeeded as well, for the same reasons. 

I have here imputed the continuance of the war to the 
mutual indulgence between our general and allies, wherein 
they both so well found their accounts ; to the fears of the 

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money-changers, lest their "tables should be overthrown"; 
to the designs of the Whigs, who apprehended the loss of 
their credit and employments in a peace ; and to those at 
home, who held their immoderate engrossments of power 
and favour, by no other tenure, than their own presumption 
upon the necessity of affairs. The truth of this will appear 
indisputable, by considering with what unanimity and con- 
cert these several parties acted towards that great end. 

When the vote passed in the House of Lords, against 
any peace without Spain being restored to the Austrian 
family, the Earl of Wharton l told the House, that it was 
indeed impossible and impracticable to recover Spain ; but 
however, there were certain reasons^ why such a vote should 
be made at that time ; which reasons wanted no explanation ; 
for the general and the ministry having refused to accept 
very advantageous offers of a peace, after the battle of 
Ramillies, were forced to take in a set of men, with a pre- 
vious bargain, to screen them from the consequences of 
that miscarriage. And accordingly upon the first succeed- 
ing opportunity that fell, which was that of the Prince of 
Denmark's a death, the chief leaders of the party were brought 
into several great employments. 

So when the Queen was no longer able to bear the 
tyranny and insolence of those ungrateful servants, who 
as they "waxed the fatter," did but "kick the more"; our 
two great allies abroad, and our stock-jobbers at home, took 
immediate alarm ; applied the nearest way to the throne, by 
memorials and messages, jointiy directing Her Majesty not 
to change her secretary or treasurer; who for the true 
reasons that these officious intermeddlers demanded their 
continuance, ought never to have been admitted into the 
least degree of trust ; since what they did was nothing less 
than betraying the interest of their native country, to those 
princes, who m their turns, were to do what they could to 
support them in power at home. 

Thus it plainly appears, that there was a conspiracy on all 
sides to go on with those measures, which must perpetuate 
the war; and a conspiracy founded upon the interest and 
ambition of each party; which begat so firm a union, that 

1 See note, p. 3. [T. S.] 

3 Prince George of Denmark, husband to Queen Anne. [T. S.] 

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instead of wondering why it lasted so long, I am astonished 
to think, how it came to be broken. The prudence, courage, 
and firmness of Her Majesty in all the steps of that great 
change, would, if the particulars were truly related, make a 
very shining part in her story : Nor is her judgment less to 
be admired, which directed her in the choice of perhaps the 
only persons who had skill, credit, and resolution enough to 
be her instruments in overthrowing so many difficulties. 

Some would pretend to lessen the merit of this, by telling 
us, that the rudeness, the tyranny, the oppression, the in- 
gratitude of the late favourites towards their mistress, were 
no longer to be borne. They produce instances to shew, 
how Her Majesty was pursued through all her retreats, par- 
ticularly at Windsor ; where, after the enemy had possessed 
themselves of every inch of ground, they at last attacked and 
stormed the castle, forcing the Queen to fly to an adjoining 
cottage, pursuant to the advice of Solomon, who tells us, "It 
is better to live on the house-top, than with a scolding 
woman in a large house." l They would have it, that such 

1 During the Queen's intrigues with Mrs. Masham, prior to the fall 
of the Godolphin ministry, she lived at a small house in Windsor rather 
than at the castle itself. Swift makes out that she was compelled to 
adopt this plan for fear of the attendants the Duchess of Marlborough 
had placed about her in the castle, who were probably all spies in the 
duchess's pay. This insinuation gave strong offence to the Whigs, and 
the writer of the reply to Swift, in his pamphlet, " The Allies and the 

late Ministry Defended," indignantly repudiates it : " The Q n is at 

last driven from her castle, and forced to fly to a cottage ! Strange 
news indeed ! I have heard there is a little house near the castle, which 

her M bought many years ago of my Lord G , and is very fond 

of, as being warmer in it and more retired, than she could be in the 
castle. Behold now the impudence of these men ! A good convenient 

house is with them a * cottage,' the place her M laves to be most 

in, they say she is forced ^.o fly to ; and the castle she does not like, 
they would make us believe, she would never leave, if it were not 
'attacked and stormed, and forcibly taken from her.' The house she 
delighted to see her servants in, when they were most in her favour, 

and which she had bought even before she was Q n, you would 

think she never saw till she fled thither for a safe retreat from them. 
The sausage-maker in Aristophanes, though he could mix, jumble, and 
compound with great dexterity ; when he would give a specimen of his 
abilities in impudence and lying, could say nothing that comes up to 
this. But we have not done yet : The person that ' pursued ' the 
Q n thus terribly at Windsor, we are to know, by a profane appli- 
cation of Scripture, is my Lady M , who was so far from ' pursuing ' 

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continued ill usage was enough to inflame the meekest 
spirit : They blame the favourites in point of policy, and 
think it nothing extraordinary, that the Queen should be at 
an end of her patience, and resolve to discard them. But I 
am of another opinion, and think their proceedings were 
right. For nothing is so apt to break even the bravest 
spirits, as a continual chain of oppressions : One injury is 
best defended by a second, and this by a third. By these 
steps, the old masters of the palace in France became 
masters of the kingdom; and by these steps, a general 
during pleasure, might have grown into a general for life, 
and a general for life into a king. 1 So that I still insist upon 
it as a wonder, how Her Majesty, thus besieged on all sides, 
was able to extricate herself. 

Having thus mentioned the real causes, though disguised 
under specious pretences, which have so long continued the 
war, I must beg leave to reason a little, with those persons 
who are against any peace, but what they call a good one ; 
and explain themselves, that no peace can be good, without 
an entire restoration of Spain to the House of Austria. It 
is to be supposed, that what I am to say upon this part of 
the subject, will have little influence on those, whose par- 
ticular ends or designs of any sort, lead them to wish the 
continuance of the war. I mean the general and our allies 
abroad ; the knot of late favourites at home ; the body of 
such, as traffick in stocks ; and lastly, that set of factious 
politicians, who were so violently bent, at least, upon clip- 
ping our constitution in church and state. Therefore I 
shall not apply myself to any of those, but to all others 
indifferently, whether Whig or Tory, whose private interest 
is best answered by the welfare of their country. And if 
among these there be any, who think we ought to fight on 
till King Charles is quietly settled in the monarchy of Spain, 
I believe there are several points, which they have not 
thoroughly considered. 

her M there, that these very people at other times make it her 

great crime that she neglected the Q , and hardly ever came near 

her " (Part IV. Lond. 1712, pp. 53, 54)* [T. S.] 

1 This may be a hint of what Swift suggests more plainly in his 
" History of the Four Last Years of the Queen " that Marlborough had 
designs on the throne of England. [T. S.] 

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For, First, It is to be observed, that this resolution against 
any peace without Spain, is a new incident, grafted upon the 
original quarrel, by the intrigues of a faction among us, who 
prevailed to give it the sanction of a vote in both Houses of 
Parliament, to justify those, whose interest lay in perpetuat- 
ing the war. And, as this proceeding was against the 
practice of all princes and states, whose intentions were 
fair and honourable ; so is it contrary to common prudence, 
as well as justice. I might add, that it was impious too, by 
presuming to control events, which are only in the hands of 
God. Ours and the States' complaint against France and 
Spain, are deduced in each of our declarations of war, and 
our pretensions specified in the eighth article of the grand 
alliance ; but there is not in any of these, the least mention 
of demanding Spain for the House of Austria, or of refusing 
any peace without that condition. Having already made an 
extract from both declarations of war, I shall here give a 
translation of the eighth article in the grand alliance, which 
will put this matter out of dispute. 

The Eighth Article of the Grand Alliance. 

When the war is once undertaken, none of the parties shall 
have the liberty to enter upon a treaty of peace with the enemy, 
but jointly, and in concert with the others. Nor is peace to be 
made, without having first obtained a just and reasonable 
satisfaction for his Cesarean Majesty, and for his Royal 
Majesty of Great Britain, and a particular security to the 
lords the States-General, of their dominions, provinces, titles, 
navigation, and commerce, and a sufficient provision, that the 
kingdoms of France and Spain be never united, or come under 
the government of the same person, or that the same man may 
never be king of both kingdoms; and particularly, that the 
French may never be in possession of the Spanish West Indies ; 
and that they may not have the liberty of navigation, for con- 
veniency of trade, under any pretence whatsoever, neither 
directly nor indirectly; except it is agreed, that the subjects of 
Great Britain and Holland, may have full power to use and 
enjoy all the same privileges, rights, immunities and liberties of 
comtnerce, by land and sea, in Spain, in the Mediterranean, 

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and in all the places and countries, which the late King of 
Spain, at the time of his death, was in possession of as well in 
Europe, as elsewhere, as they did then use and enjoy ; or 
which the subjects of both, or each nation, could use and enjoy, 
by virtue of any right, obtained before the death of the said 
King of Spain, either by treaties, conventions, custom, or any 
other way whatsoever. 

Here, we see the demands intended to be insisted on 
by the allies upon any treaty of peace, are, a just and 
reasonable satisfaction for the emperor and King of Great 
Britain, a security to the States-General for their deminions, 
&c. and a sufficient provision, that France and Spain be 
never united under the same man, as king of both kingdoms. 
The rest relates to the liberty of trade and commerce for us 
and the Dutch ; but not a syllable of engaging to dispossess 
the Duke of Anjou. 1 

But to know how this new language of " no peace with- 
out Spain," was first introduced, and at last prevailed among 
us, we must begin a great deal higher. 

It was the partition treaty, which begot the will in favour 
of the Duke of Anjou : For this naturally led the Spaniards 
to receive a prince supported by a great power, whose 
interest, as well as affection, engaged them to preserve that 
monarchy entire, rather than to oppose him in favour of 
another family, who must expect assistance from a number 
of confederates, whose principal members had already dis- 
posed of what did not belong to them, and by a previous 
treaty parcelled out the monarchy of Spain. 

Thus the Duke of Anjou got into the full possession of all 
the kingdoms and states belonging to that monarchy, as well 
in the old world, as the new. And whatever the House of 
Austria pretended from their memorials to us and the States, 
it was at that time but too apparent, that the inclinations of 
the Spaniards were on the Duke's side. 

However, a war was resolved, and in order to carry it on 
with greater vigour, a grand alliance formed, wherein the 

1 The Duke of Anjou was the second son of the Dauphin, in favour 
of whom the Dauphin had waived his pretensions to the Spanish crown. 
The Emperor of Austria had, in like manner and for the same reason, 
waived his claim in favour of the Archduke Charles. [T. S.] 

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ends proposed to be obtained, are plainly and distinctly laid 
down, as I have already quoted them. It pleased God, in 
the course of this war, to bless the armies of the allies with 
remarkable successes ; by which we were soon put into a 
condition of demanding and expecting such terms of a peace, 
as we proposed to ourselves when we began the war. But 
instead of this, our victories only served to lead us on to 
further visionary prospects: Advantage was taken of the 
sanguine temper, which so many successes had wrought the 
nation up to ; new romantic views were proposed, and the 
old, reasonable, sober design, was forgot. 

This was the artifice of those here, who were sure to grow 
richer, as the public became poorer, and who after the re- 
solutions, which the two houses were prevailed upon to 
make, might have carried on the war with safety to them- 
selves, till malt and land were mortgaged, till a general 
excise were established ; and the dixieme denier raised, by 
collectors in red coats. And this was just the circumstance 
which it suited their interests to be in. 

The House of Austria approved this scheme with reason, 
since whatever would be obtained by the blood and treasure 
of others, was to accrue to that family, and they only lent 
their name to the cause. 

The Dutch might, perhaps, have grown resty under their 
burthen ; but care was likewise taken of that, by a barrier- 
treaty made with the States, which deserves such epithets as 
I care not to bestow: But may perhaps consider it, at a 
proper occasion, in a discourse by itself. 1 

By this treaty, the condition of the war, with respect to 
the Dutch, was widely altered : They fought no longer for 
security, but for grandeur ; and we, instead of labouring to 
make them safe, must beggar ourselves to render them 

Will any one contend, that if at the treaty of Gertrayden- 
berg, 9 we could have been satisfied with such terms of a 

1 Swift did so consider in the pamphlet following, entitled, " Some 
Remarks on the Barrier Treaty." [T. S.] 

3 At Gertruydenberg preliminaries for a peace between the members 
of the Grand Alliance on the one hand, and Louis XIV. on the other, 
were discussed. The negotiations failed because of a want of agreement 
between the Dutch, English, the House of Austria, and the Duke of 

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peace, as we proposed to ourselves by the grand alliance, the 
French would not have allowed them? Tis plain, they 
offered many more, and much greater, than ever we thought 
to insist on, when the war began : And they had reason to 
grant, as well as we to demand them, since conditions of 
peace do certainly turn upon events of war. But surely 
there is some measure to be observed in this : Those who 
have defended the proceedings of our negotiators at the 
treaty of Gertruydenberg, dwell very much upon their zeal 
and patience, in endeavouring to work the French up to 
their demands, but say nothing to justify those demands, or 
the probability, that France would ever accept them. Some 
of the articles in that treaty were so very extravagant, that 
in all human probability we could not have obtained them 
by a successful war of forty years. One of them was incon- 
sistent with common reason ; wherein the confederates re- 
served to themselves full liberty of demanding, what further 
conditions they should think fit; and in the mean time, 
France was to deliver up several of their strongest towns in 
a month. These articles were very gravely signed by our 
plenipotentiaries, and those of Holland, but not by the 
French, though it ought to have been done interchangeably ; 
nay they were brought over by the secretary of the embassy ; 
and the ministers here prevailed upon the Queen to execute 
a ratification of articles, which only one part had signed : 
This was an absurdity in form, as well as in reason, because 
the usual form of a ratification is, with a preamble, shewing, 
That "whereas our ministers, and those of the allies, and of 
the enemy, have signed, &c. We ratify, &c." The person l 
who brought over the articles, said in all companies, (and 
perhaps believed) that it was a pity, we had not demanded 
more, for the French were in a disposition to refuse us 
nothing we would ask. One of our plenipotentiaries affected 
to have the same concern, and particularly, that we had not 

Savoy. Louis promised much, but the partition of the Spanish dominions 
was resented by both the House of Austria and the Duke of Savoy, while 
with regard to his promises for assisting in the subjugation of Spain 
neither the Dutch nor the English representatives had much faith. See 
Mahon's "History of Queen Anne," vol. i, p. 148, and Coxe's 
" Marlborough," vol. hi., pp. 32-34. [T. S.] 
1 Horatio Walpole, secretary to that embassy. [T. S.] 

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obtained some further security for the empire on the Upper 

What could be the design of all this grimace but to amuse 
the people, and to raise stocks for their friends in the secret, 
to sell to advantage? I have too great a respect for the 
abilities of those, who acted in this negotiation, to believe 
they hoped for any other issue from it, than what we found 
by the event. Give me leave to suppose the continuance of 
the war was the thing at heart, among those in power, both 
abroad, and at home, and then I can easily shew the con- 
sistency of their proceedings ; otherwise they are wholly un- 
accountable and absurd. Did those, who insisted on such 
wild demands, ever sincerely intend a peace? Did they 
really think that going on with the war was more eligible for 
their country, than the least abatement of those conditions ? 
Was the smallest of them worth six millions a year, and an 
hundred thousand men's lives? Was there no way to pro- 
vide for the safety of Britain, or the security of its trade, but 
by the French king's turning his own arms to beat his grand- 
son out of Spain ? l If these able statesmen were so truly 
concerned for our trade, which they made the pretence of 
the war's beginning, as well as continuance, why did they 
so neglect it in those very preliminaries, where the enemy 
made so many concessions, and where all that related to the 
advantage of Holland, or the other confederates, was ex- 
pressly settled ? But whatever concerned us, was to be left 
to a general treaty ; no tariff agreed on with France or the 
Low Countries, only the Scheldt was to remain shut, which 
ruins our commerce with Antwerp. Our trade with Spain 
was referred the same way ; but this they will pretend to be 
of no consequence, because that kingdom was to be under 
the House of Austria ; and we had already made a treaty 
with King Charles. I have indeed heard of a treaty made 
by Mr. Stanhope, 2 with that prince, for settling our commerce 

1 This is Swift's summary of the conditions which the Allies wished 
to impose on Louis by the peace proposals at Gertrnydenberg. [T. S.] 

3 James Stanhope, afterwards the first Earl Stanhope ( 1677- 1 721), 
acted as brigadier-general at the siege of Barcelona under Peterborough. 
In 1708 he was commander-in-chief in Spain. George I. created him 
Viscount Mahon shortly after his appointment as First Lord of the 
Treasury. In 17 18 he was made Earl. [T. S.] 

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with Spain : But whatever it were, there was another between 
us and Holland, which went hand in hand with it, I mean 
that of barrier, wherein a clause was inserted, by which all 
advantages proposed for Britain, are to be in common with 

Another point which, I doubt, those have not considered, 
who are against any peace without Spain, is, that the face of 
affairs in Christendom, since the emperor's death, hath been 
very much changed. By this accident the views and interests 
of several princes and states in the alliance, have taken a 
new turn, and I believe, it will be found that ours ought to 
do so too. We have sufficiently blundered once already, by 
changing our measures with regard to a peace, while our 
affairs continued in the same posture; and it will be too 
much in conscience to blunder again by not changing the 
first, when the others are so much altered. 

To have a prince of the Austrian family on the throne of 
Spain, is undoubtedly more desirable than one of the House 
of Bourbon ; but to have the empire and Spanish monarchy 
united in the same person, is a dreadful consideration, and 
directly opposite to that wise principle, on which the eighth 
article of the alliance is founded. 1 

To this perhaps it will be objected, that the indolent 
character of the Austrian princes, the wretched economy of 
that government, the want of a naval force, the remote 
distance of their several territories from each other, would 
never suffer an emperor, though at the same time King of 
Spain, to become formidable : On the contrary, that his 
dependence must continually be on Great Britain ; and the 
advantages of trade, by a peace founded upon that condition, 
would soon make us amends for all the expenses of the 

In answer to this, let us consider the circumstances we 
must be in, before such a peace could be obtained, if it were 
at all practicable. We must become not only poor for the 
present, but reduced by further mortgages to a state of 

1 We and Holland, as well as Portugal, were so apprehensive of this, 
that, by the twenty-fifth article of the offensive alliance, his Portuguese 
Majesty was not to acknowledge the Archduke for King of Spain, till 
the two late emperors had made a cession to Charles of the said 
monarchy. [Note in second edition. T. S.] 

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beggary, for endless years to come. Compare such a weak 
condition as this with so great an accession of strength to 
Austria, and then determine how much an emperor, in such 
a state of affairs, would either fear or need Britain. 

Consider, that the comparison is not formed between a 
prince of the House of Austria, Emperor and King of Spain, 
and between a prince of the Bourbon family, King of France 
and Spain ; but between a prince of the latter only King of 
Spain, and one of the former, uniting both crowns in his own 

What returns of gratitude can we expect, when we are no 
longer wanted ? Has all that we have hitherto done for the 
imperial family been taken as a favour, or only received as 
the due of the augustissima casa f 

Will the House of Austria yield the least acre of land, the 
least article of strained and even usurped prerogative, to re- 
settle the minds of those princes in the alliance, who are 
alarmed at the consequences of this turn of affairs, occasioned 
by the emperor's death ? We are assured it never will. Do 
we then imagine, that those princes, who dread the over- 
grown power of the Austrian, as much as that of the Bourbon 
family, will continue in our alliance, upon a system contrary 
to that which they engaged with us upon ? For instance ; 
What can the Duke of Savoy expect in such a case ? Will 
he have any choice left him but that of being a slave and a 
frontier to France ; or a vassal, in the utmost extent of the 
word, to the imperial court ? Will he not therefore, of the 
two evils choose the least ; by submitting to a master, who 
has no immediate claim upon him, and to whose family he 
is nearly allied ; rather than to another, who hath already 
revived several claims upon him, and threatens to revive 

Nor are the Dutch more inclined than the rest of Europe, 
that the empire and Spain should be united in King Charles, 
whatever they may now pretend. On the contrary, 'tis 
known to several persons, that upon the death of the late 
Emperor Joseph, the States resolved, that those two powers 
should not be joined in the same person; and this they 
determined as a fundamental maxim, by which they intended 
to proceed. So that Spain was first given up by them ; and 
since they maintain no troops in that kingdom, it should 

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seem, that they understand the Duke of Anjou to be lawful 

Thirdly, Those who are against any peace without Spain, 
if they be such as no way find their private account by the war, 
may perhaps change their sentiments, if they will reflect a little 
upon our present condition. 

I had two reasons for not sooner publishing this discourse : 
The first was, Because I would give way to others, who might 
argue very well upon the same subject, from general topics 
and reason, though they might be ignorant of several facts, 
which I had the opportunity to know. The second was, 
because I found it would be necessary, in the course of this 
argument, to say something of the state to which this war 
hath reduced us : At the same time I knew, that such a dis- 
covery ought to be made as late as possible, and at another 
juncture would not only be very indiscreet, but might perhaps 
be dangerous. 

It is the folly of too many, to mistake the echo of a 
London coffeehouse for the voice of the kingdom. The city 
coffeehouses have been for some years filled with people, 
whose fortunes depend upon the Bank, East India, or some 
other stock : Every new fund to these, is like a new mort- 
gage to an usurer, whose compassion for a young heir is 
exactly the same with that of a stock-jobber to the landed 
gentry. At the court end of the town, the like places of 
resort are frequented either by men out of place, and con- 
sequently enemies to the present ministry, or by officers of 
the army : No wonder then, if the general cry, in all such 
meetings, be against any peace, either with Spain, or with- 
out; which, in other words, is no more than this, That dis- 
contented men desire another change of ministry; that 
soldiers would be glad to keep their commissions ; and, that 
the creditors have money still, and would have the debtors 
borrow on at the old extorting rates, while they have any 
security to give. 

Now, to give the most ignorant reader some idea of our 
present circumstances, without troubling him or myself with 
computations in form : Every body knows, that our land and 
malt tax amount annually to about two millions and an half. 
All other branches of the revenue are mortgaged to pay 
interest, for what we have already borrowed. The yearly 

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charge of the war is usually about six millions ; to make up 
which sum, we are forced to take up, on the credit of new 
funds, about three millions and an half. This last year the 
computed charge of the war came to above a million more, 
than all the funds the parliament could contrive would pay 
interest for ; and so we have been forced to divide a de- 
ficiency of twelve hundred thousand pounds among the 
several branches of our expense. This is a demonstration, 
that if the war lasts another campaign, it will be impossible 
to find funds for supplying it, without mortgaging the malt 
tax, or by some other method equally desperate. 

If the peace be made this winter, we are then to consider, 
what circumstances we shall be in towards paying a debt of 
about fifty millions, which is a fourth part of the purchase of 
the whole island, if it were to be sold. 

Towards clearing ourselves of this monstrous incumbrance, 
some of these annuities will expire, or pay off the principal 
in thirty, forty, or an hundred years ; the bulk of the debt 
must be lessened gradually by the best management we can, 
out of what will remain of the land and malt taxes, after 
paying guards and garrisons, and maintaining and supplying 
our fleet in the time of peace. I have not skill enough to 
compute what will be left, after these necessary charges, 
towards annually clearing so vast a debt; but believe it 
must be very little: However, it is plain that both these 
taxes must be continued, as well for supporting the govern- 
ment, as because we have no other means for paying off the 
principal. And so likewise must all the other funds remain 
for paying the interest. How long a time this must require, 
how steady an administration, and how undisturbed a state 
of affairs, both at home and abroad, let others determine. 

However, some people think all this very reasonable ; and 
that since the struggle hath been for peace and safety, 
posterity, who is to partake the benefit, ought to share in the 
expense : As if at the breaking out of this war there had 
been such a conjunction of affairs, as never happened before, 
nor would ever happen again. 'Tis wonderful, that our 
ancestors, in all their wars, should never fall under such a 
necessity ; that we meet no examples of it, in Greece and 
Rome ; that no other nation in Europe ever knew any thing 
like it, except Spain, about an hundred and twenty years 

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ago ; which they drew upon themselves, by their own folly, 
and have suffered for it ever since : No doubt, we shall teach 
posterity wisdom, but they will be apt to think the purchase 
too dear ; and I wish they may stand to the bargain we have 
made in their names. 

'Tis easy to entail debts on succeeding ages, and to hope 
they will be able and willing to pay them ; but how to en- 
sure peace for any term of years, is difficult enough to ap- 
prehend. Will human nature ever cease to have the same 
passions? princes to entertain designs of interest or am- 
bition, and occasions of quarrel to arise ? May not we our- 
selves, by the variety of events and incidents which happen 
in the world, be under a necessity of recovering towns out of 
the very hands of those, for whom we are now ruining our 
country to take them ? Neither can it be said, that those 
States, with whom we may probably differ, will be in as bad 
a condition as ourselves ; for, by the circumstances of our 
situation, and the impositions of our allies, we are more 
exhausted, than either they or the enemy ; and by the nature 
of our government, the corruption of our manners, and the 
opposition of factions, we shall be more slow in recovering. 

It will, no doubt, be a mighty comfort to our grand- 
children, when they see a few rags hang up in Westminster 
Hall, which cost an hundred millions, whereof they are 
paying the arrears, and boasting, as beggars do, that their 
grandfathers were rich and great. 

I have often reflected on that mistaken notion of credit, 
so boasted of by the advocates of the late ministry : Was not 
all that credit built upon funds, raised by the landed men, 
whom they so much hate and despise ? Are not the greatest 
part of those funds raised from the growth and product of 
land ? Must not the whole debt be entirely paid, and our 
fleets and garrisons be maintained, by the land and malt tax, 
after a peace ? If they call it credit to run ten millions in 
debt, without parliamentary security, by which the public is 
defrauded of almost half, I must think such credit to be 
dangerous, illegal, and perhaps treasonable. Neither hath 
any thing gone further to ruin the nation, than their boasted 
credit. For my own part, when I saw this false credit sink, 
upon the change of the ministry, I was singular enough to 
conceive it a good omen. It seemed, as if the young extra- 

v. 1 

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vagant heir had got a new steward, and was resolved to look 
into his estate before things grew desperate, which made the 
usurers forbear feeding him with money, as they used to do. 

Since the monied men are so fond of war, I should be 
glad, they would furnish out one campaign at their own 
charge : It is not above six or seven millions ; and I dare 
engage to make it out, than when they have done this, 
instead of contributing equal to the landed men, they will 
have their full principal and interest, at 6 per cent, remaining 
of all the money they ever lent to the government. 

Without this resource, or some other equally miraculous, 
it is impossible for us to continue the war upon the same 
foot. I have already observed, that the last funds of interest 
fell short above a million, though the persons most con- 
versant in ways and means employed their utmost invention ; 
so that of necessity we must be still more defective next 
campaign. But, perhaps our allies will make up this de- 
ficiency on our side, by greater efforts on their own. Quite 
the contrary ; both the emperor and Holland failed this year 
in several articles ; and signified to us, some time ago, that 
they cannot keep up to the same proportions in the next. 
We have gained a noble barrier for the latter, and they have 
nothing more to demand or desire : The emperor, however 
sanguine he may now affect to appear, will, I suppose, be 
satisfied with Naples, Sicily, Milan, and his other acquisitions, 
rather than engage in a long hopeless war, for the recovery 
of Spain, to which his allies the Dutch will neither give their 
assistance, nor consent So that since we have done their 
business ; since they have no further service for our arms, 
and we have no more money to give them : And lastly, 
since we neither desire any recompense, nor expect any 
thanks, we ought, in pity, to be dismissed, and have leave to 
shift for ourselves. They are ripe for a peace, to enjoy and 
cultivate what we have conquered for them ; and so are we, 
to recover, if possible, the effects of their hardships upon us. 
The first overtures from France, are made to England, upon 
safe and honourable terms : We who bore the burthen of 
the war, ought, in reason, to have the greater share in making 
the peace. If we do not hearken to a peace, others certainly 
will ; and get the advantage of us there, as they have done 
in the war. We know the Dutch have perpetually threatened 

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us, that they would enter into separate measures of a peace ; 
and by the strength of that argument, as well as by other 
powerful motives^ prevailed on those, who were then at the 
helm, to comply with them on any terms, rather than put an 
end to a war, which every year brought them such great 
accessions to their wealth and power. Whoever falls off, a 
peace will follow ; and then we must be content with such 
conditions, as our allies, out of their great concern for our 
safety and interest, will please to choose. They have no 
further occasion for fighting ; they have gained their point, 
and they now tell us, it is our war ; so that in common 
justice, it ought to be our peace. 

All we can propose, by the desperate steps of pawning our 
land or malt tax, or erecting a general excise, is only to raise 
a fund of interest, for running us annually four millions 
further in debt, without any prospect of ending the war so 
well, as we can do at present. And when we have sunk the 
only unengaged revenues we had left, our incumbrances 
must of necessity remain perpetual. 

We have hitherto lived upon expedients, which in time 
will certainly destroy any constitution, whether civil or 
natural ; and there was no country in Christendom had less 
occasion for them, than ours. We have dieted a healthy 
body into a consumption, by plying it with physic, insteJad 
of food : Art will help us no longer ; and if we cannot 
recover by letting the remains of nature work, we must 
inevitably die. 

What arts have been used to possess the people with a 
strong delusion, that Britain must infallibly be ruined, with- 
out the recovery of Spain to the House of Austria ? Making 
the safety of a great and powerful kingdom, as ours was 
then, to depend upon an event, which, even after a war of 
miraculous successes, proves impracticable. As if princes 
and great ministers could find no way of settling the public 
tranquillity, without changing the possessions of kingdoms, 
and forcing sovereigns upon a people against their inclina- 
tions. Is there no security for the Island of Britain, unless 
a King of Spain be dethroned by the hands of his grand- 
father ? Has the enemy no cautionary towns and sea-ports, 
to give us for securing trade ? Can he not deliver us posses- 
sion of such places, as would put him in a worse condition, 

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whenever he should perfidiously renew the war ? The pre- 
sent King of France has but few years to live, 1 by the course 
of nature, and, doubtless, would desire to end his days in 
peace : Grandfathers in private families are not observed to 
have great influence on their grandsons, and I believe they 
have much less among princes. However, when the 
authority of a parent is gone, is it likely that Philip will be 
directed by a brother, against his own interest, and that of 
his subjects? Have not those two realms their separate 
maxims of policy, which must operate in times of peace ? 
These at least are probabilities, and cheaper by six millions 
a year than recovering Spain, or continuing the war, both 
which seem absolutely impossible. 

But the common question is, If we must now surrender 
Spain, what have we been fighting for all this while ? The 
answer is ready : We have been fighting for the ruin of the 
public interest, and the advancement of a private. 2 We have 
been fighting to raise the wealth and grandeur of a particular 
family ; to enrich usurers and stockjobbers ; and to cultivate 
the pernicious designs of a faction, by destroying the landed 
interest The nation begins now to think these blessings 
are not worth fighting for any longer, and therefore desires 
a peace. 

But the advocates on the other side cry out, that we 
might have had a better peace, than is now in agitation, 
above two years ago. Supposing this to be true, I do 
assert, that by parity of reason we must expect one just so 
much worse, about two years hence. If those in power 
could then have given us a better peace, more is their 
infamy and guilt, that they did it not ; why did they insist 
upon conditions, which they were certain would never be 
granted? We allow it was in their power to have put a 
good end to the war, and left the nation in some hope of 
recovering itself. And this is what we charge them with as 
answerable to God, their country, and posterity, that the 
bleeding condition of their fellow-subjects, was a feather in 
the balance with their private ends. 

When we offer to lament the heavy debts and poverty of 
the nation, 'tis pleasant to hear some men answer all that 

1 Louis XIV. died in 1715. [T. S.] 

8 That is to say, that of Marlborough. [T. S.] 

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can be said, by crying up the power of England, the courage 
of England, the inexhaustible riches of England. I have 
heard a man l very sanguine upon this subject, with a good 
employment for life, and a hundred thousand pounds in the 
funds, bidding us " take courage," and "warranting, that all 
would go well." This is the style of men at ease, " who lay 
heavy burthens upon others, which they will not touch with 
one of their fingers." I have known some people such ill 
computers, as to imagine the many millions in stocks and 
annuities, are so much real wealth in the nation ; whereas 
every farthing of it is entirely lost to us, scattered in 
Holland, Germany, and Spain ; and the landed men, who 
now pay the interest, must at last pay the principal. 2 

Fourthly, Those who are against any peace without Spain, 
have, I doubt, been ill informed, as to the low condition of 
France, and the mighty consequences of our successes. As 
to the first, it must be confessed, that after the battle of 
Ramillies 3 the French were so discouraged with their fre- 
quent losses, and so impatient for a peace, that their king 
was resolved to comply on any reasonable terms. But when 
his subjects were informed of our exorbitant demands, they 
grew jealous of his honour, and were unanimous to assist 
him in continuing the war at any hazard, rather than submit. 
This fully restored his authority ; and the supplies he hath 
received from the Spanish West Indies, which in all are 
computed, since the war, to amount to four hundred 
millions of livres (and all in specie), have enabled him to 
pay his troops. Besides, the money is spent in his own 
country ; and he hath since waged war in the most thrifty 
manner, by acting on the defensive, compounding with us 
every campaign for a town, which costs us fifty times more 
than it is worth, either as to the value, or the consequences. 
Then he is at no charge of a fleet, further than providing 
privateers, wherewith his subjects carry on a piratical war at 
their own expense, and he shares in the profit ; which hath 
been very considerable to France, and of infinite disad- 

1 Lord Halifax. [S.] 

a See a pamphlet written at that time, entitled, " The Taxes not 
Grievous, and therefore not a Reason for an unsafe Peace." London, 
1712. [T. S.] 

3 Fought on May 12th, 1706. [T. S.] 

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vantage to us, not only by the perpetual losses we have 
suffered to an immense value, but by the general dis- 
couragement of trade, on which we so much depend. All 
this considered, with the circumstances of that government, 
where the prince is master of the lives and fortunes of so 
mighty a kingdom, shews that monarch to be not so sunk in 
his affairs, as we have imagined, and have long flattered 
ourselves with the hopes of. [For an absolute government 
may endure a long war, but it hath generally been ruinous 
to free countries.] l 

Those who are against any peace without Spain, seem 
likewise to have been mistaken in judging our victories, and 
other successes, to have been of greater consequence, than 
they really were. 

When our armies take a town in Flanders, the Dutch are 
immediately put into possession, and we at home make 
bonfires. I have sometimes pitied the deluded people, to 
see them squandering away their fuel to so little purpose. 
For example, What is it to us that Bouchain is taken, 9 about 
which the warlike politicians of the coffeehouse make such 
a clutter ? What though the garrison surrendered prisoners 
of war, and in sight of the enemy ? We are not now in a 
condition to be fed with points of honour. What advantage 
have we, but that of spending three or four millions more to 
get another town for the States, which may open them a 
new country for contributions, and increase the perquisites 
of the general ? 

In that war of ten years, under the late King, when our 
commanders and soldiers were raw and unexperienced, in 
comparison of what they are at present, we lost battles and 
towns, as well as we gained them of late, since those gentle- 
men have better learned their trade ; yet we bore up then, as 
the French do now : Nor was there any thing decisive in 
their successes : they grew weary, as well as we, and at last 
consented to a peace, under which we might have been 

1 The sentence in brackets is from the second edition. [T. S.] 
8 See Mrs. Manley's pamphlet, entitled, " A New Vindication of the 
Duke of Marlborough : In Answer to a Pamphlet, lately published, 
called Bouchain ; or, A Dialogue between The Medley and The Ex- 
aminer." 171 1. This pamphlet is reprinted in Scott's edition of 
Swift's works, vol. v. (pp. 381-398), second edition, 1824. [T. S.] 

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happy enough, if it had not been followed by that wise 
treaty of partition, which revived the flame, that hath lasted 
ever since. I see nothing else in the modern way of making 
war, but that the side, which can hold out longest, will end 
it with most advantage. In such a close country as Flanders, 
where it is carried on by sieges, the army, that acts offen- 
sively, is at a much greater expense of men and money; 
and there is hardly a town taken in the common forms, 
where the besiegers have not the worse of the bargain. I 
never yet knew a soldier, who would not affirm, that any 
town might be taken, if you were content to be at the 
charge. If you will count upon sacrificing so much blood 
and treasure, the rest is all a regular, established method, 
which cannot fail. When the King of France, in the times 
of his grandeur, sat down before a town, his generals and 
engineers would often fix the day, when it should surrender. 
The enemy, sensible of all this, hath for some years past 
avoided a battle, where he hath so ill succeeded, and taken 
a surer way to consume us, by letting our courage evaporate 
against stones and rubbish, and sacrificing a single town to 
a campaign, which he can so much better afford to lose, 
than we to take. 

Lastly, Those who are so violent against any peace, 
without Spain being restored to the House of Austria, have 
not, I believe, cast their eye upon a cloud gathering in the 
north, which we have helped to raise, and may quickly 
break in a storm upon our heads. 

The northern war hath been on foot, almost ever since 
our breach with France. The success of it various ; but 
one effect to be apprehended was always the same, that 
sooner or later it would involve us in its consequences, and 
that, whenever this happened, let our success be never so 
great against France, from that moment France would have 
the advantage. 

By our guaranty of the treaty of Travendal, 1 we were 

1 This treaty was signed 18th August, 1700, and by it peace was 
restored between Sweden and Denmark. Charles XII. of Sweden had 
besieged Copenhagen in the early part of the year, 1700, but had 
consented, on payment of 400,000 rix-dollars, to spare the city. 
Frederic IV. acknowledged the rights of the Duke of Holstein, and 
agreed to restore the towns in Holstein he had conquered. By the 
filth secret article of the Treaty of Copenhagen (signed 15th June, 

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obliged to hinder the King of Denmark from engaging in a 
war with Sweden. It was at that time understood by all 
parties, and so declared, even by the British ministers, that 
this engagement specially regarded Denmark's not assisting 
King Augustus. But, however, if this had not been so, yet 
our obligation to Sweden stood in force, by virtue of former 
treaties with that crown, which were all revived and con- 
firmed by a subsequent one, concluded at the Hague by Sir 
Joseph Williamson and Monsieur Lilieroot, 1 about the latter 
end of the late King's reign. 

However, the war in the north proceeded, and our not 
assisting Sweden, was at least as well excused by the war, 
which we were entangled in, as his not contributing his con- 
tingent to the empire, whereof he is a member, was excused 
by the pressures he lay under, having a confederacy to deal 

In this war the King of Sweden was victorious ; and what 
dangers were we not then exposed to ? What fears were we 
not in? He marched into Saxony, and if he had really 
been in the French interest, might at once have put us 
under the greatest difficulties. But the torrent turned 
another way, and he contented himself with imposing on 
his enemy the treaty of Alt Rastadt; by which King 

1 701), it was agreed that "the King of Great Britain and the States 
will endeavour that the Duke of Holstein may conform himself to the 
Treaty of Travendal, and maintain a good friendship with Denmark," 
etc [T. S.] 

1 Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701), graduated at Queen's College, 
Oxford. In 1665 he was editor of the " Oxford Gazette," which after- 
wards was known as the "London Gazette." He was secretary to 
Arlington, and member for Thetford. In 1673 he went to Cologne as 
joint British Plenipotentiary with Sir Leoline Jenkins and the Earl of 
Sunderland. In 1674 he was Secretary of State. The reference in the 
text is to his mission to Holland in 1696, when he was accredited a 
plenipotentiary at the Congress of Nimeguen; and, with Portland, 
signed the first partition treaty at Loo on nth October, 1698. He 
was at the Hague when the Peace of Ryswick was signed, 20th Septem- 
ber, 1697. [T. S.] 

Nils Eosander, Comte Lillieroot (1635 ?-i705) was a Swedish diplo- 
matist. In 1669 he was secretary to the Swedish embassy in France, 
was ennobled in 1674, and recalled in 1675. From 1677 to 1689 he 
was at Paris as envoy to the French court, and represented his country, 
in 1697, at the Peace of Ryswick. He remained at the Hague until 
his retirement in 1703. [T. S.] 

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Augustus makes an absolute cession of the crown of Poland, 
renounces any title to it, acknowledges Stanislaus; and 
then, both he and the King of Sweden, join in desiring the 
guaranty of England and Holland. 1 The Queen did, indeed, 
not give this guaranty in form ; but, as a step towards it, 
the title of King was given to Stanislaus, by a letter from 
Her Majesty ; and the strongest assurances were given to 
the Swedish minister, in Her Majesty's name, and in a com- 
mittee of council, that the guaranty should speedily be 
granted ; and that in the mean while, it was the same thing, 
as if the forms were passed. 

In 1708, King Augustus made the campaign in Flanders ; 
what measures he might at that time take, or of what nature 
the arguments might be that he made use of, is not known : 
But immediately after, he breaks through all he had done, 
marches into Poland, and reassumes the crown. 9 

After this we apprehended, that the peace of the empire 
might be endangered ; and therefore entered into an act of 
guaranty, for the neutrality of it The King of Sweden 
refused, upon several accounts, to submit to the terms of 
this treaty ; particularly, because we went out of the empire 
to cover Poland and Jutland, but did not go out of it to 
cover the territories of Sweden. 

Let us therefore consider, what is our case at present If 
the King of Sweden returns, 8 and gets the better, he will 
think himself under no obligation of having any regard to 
the interests of the allies ; but will naturally pursue, accord- 
ing to his own expression, " his enemy, wherever he finds 
him." In this case the corps of the neutrality is obliged to 

1 In 1707 the danger from Charles XII. of Sweden and his seemingly 
invincible army was rally appreciated by Marlborough. Louis had 
taken care to send a secret envoy for the purpose of renewing a friend- 
ship which had already subsisted between the French and Swedish crowns 
under Gustavus Adolphus. This, coupled with Charles's grievance 
against the Emperor of Austria, made it necessary for the Allies to 
attempt a conciliation. It was for this purpose that Marlborough visited 
him at Alt Rastadt. See Coxe's " Marlborough " and Mahon's " Queen 
Anne." [T. S.] 

a See note, p. 73. [T. S.] 

3 Charles of Sweden's defeat at Pultowa in 1709 was so complete 
that he was compelled to fly for his life and seek shelter in the Turkish 
dominions. His return was of no great moment, for he was slain at the 
siege of Frederickshall, in Norway, on November 30th, 1718. [T. S.] 

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oppose him, and so we are engaged in a second war, before 
the first is ended. 

If the northern confederates succeed against Sweden, 
how shall we be able to preserve the balance of power in 
the north, so essential to our trade, as well as in many other 
respects ? What will become of that great support of the 
Protestant interest in Germany, which is the footing that 
the Swedes now have in the empire ? Or, who shall answer, 
that these princes, after they have settled the north to their 
minds, may not take a fancy to look southward, and make 
our peace with France according to their own schemes ? 

And lastly, if the King of Prussia, the Elector of Hanover, 
and other princes, whose dominions lie contiguous, are 
forced to draw from those armies which act against France ; 
we must live in hourly expectation of having those troops 
recalled, which they now leave with us ; and this recall may 
happen in the midst of a siege, or on the eve of a battle. 
Is it therefore our interest, to toil on in a ruinous war, for 
an impracticable end, till one of these cases shall happen, or 
to get under shelter before the storm ? 

There is no doubt, but the present ministry (provided 
they could get over the obligations of honour and con- 
science) might find their advantage in advising the con- 
tinuance of the war, as well as the last did, though not in 
the same degree, after the kingdom has been so much 
exhausted. They might prolong it, till the parliament 
desire a peace ; and in the mean time leave them in full 
possession of power. Therefore it is plain, that their pro- 
ceedings at present, are meant to serve their country, 
directly against their private interest ; whatever clamour 
may be raised by those, who for the vilest ends, would 
remove heaven and earth to oppose their measures. But 
they think it infinitely better, to accept such terms as will 
secure our trade, find a sufficient barrier for the States, give 
reasonable satisfaction to the emperor, and restore the tran- 
quillity of Europe, though without adding Spain to the 
empire : Rather than go on in a languishing way, upon the 
vain expectation of some improbable turn, for the recovery 
of that monarchy out of the Bourbon family ; and at last be 
forced to a worse peace, by some of the allies falling off, 
upon our utter inability to continue the war. 

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[to the fourth edition.] 

I have in this edition explained three or four lines in the 
thirty-eighth page, 2 which mentions the succession, to take 
off, if possible, all manner of cavil ; though, at the same 
time, I cannot but observe, how ready the adverse party is 
to make use of any objections, even such as destroy their 
own principles. I put a distant case of the possibility that 
our succession, through extreme necessity, might be changed 
by the legislature, in future ages ; and it is pleasant to hear 
those people quarrelling at this, who profess themselves for 
changing it as often as they please, and that even without 
the consent of the entire legislature. 

[I have just seen a paper, called, "An Answer to the Con- 
duct," &c. I am told several others are preparing : I faith- 
fully promise, that whatever objections of moment I can find 
in any of them, shall be fully answered in a paragraph 
at the end of the preface in the next edition of this 
discourse.] 8 

1 Scott states that this postscript, as he printed it, is from the second 
edition : there is no postscript in the second edition. The text here 
printed is from the fourth. [T. S.] 

9 The passage alluded to [see p. 84] originally bore, that the guarantee 
of the Dutch might put it out of the power of parliament to change 
our succession without their consent, "how much soever the necessities 
of the kingdom may require it " This passage was pronounced by Lord 
Chief Justice Parker to be capable of bearing a treasonable interpre- 
tation. [S.] 

8 This final paragraph is from the second edition; it did not reappear 
in future editions, neither was any addition made to the Preface of the 
next edition. [T. S.] 

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This pamphlet may be taken as a continuation of the preceding pamph- 
let, "The Conduct of the Allies." Whereas in this latter treatise Swift 
dealt with the objection against Continental alliances generally, in 
dealing with the Barrier Treaty ne confines himself to it alone. Scott 
considers this work, even " at this distance of time, a most extraordinary 
production of diplomacy." 

Shortly after the appearance of Swift's pamphlet there was issued a 
work entitled : " Remarks on the Barrier Treaty, vindicated in a Letter 
to the Author." As writers have left the consideration of this important 
pamphlet severely alone, Mr. Dilke, in his *' Papers of a Critic " (vol. i., 
pp. 361-382), entered at length into a discussion as to its authorship. 
He was of opinion that Bonngbroke wrote it. He admitted that he 
arrived at this conclusion on insufficient evidence, but Swift presumably 
could not have written it, since it was not at all likely that he would 
have addressed a letter to himself written by himself. Mr. Dilke's 
arguments are too lengthy to quote here ; but his conclusions are based 
on the style of the writing and on internal evidence. Scott takes for 
granted that the author was Dr. Hare. 

The original edition of *' Some Remarks on the Barrier Treaty " does 
not, of course, include the "Appendix to the Conduct of the Allies." 
This was published in the " Examiner " on January 16th, 1712-13 (see 
note, p. 164). 

The present text of this pamphlet is based on the original edition, 

1712, and collated with the second edition issued in the same 




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fattier Create 




States - General. 

By the AUTHOR of 

The ConduEl of the ALLIES, 

To which are added, 

The faid Barrier-Treaty, 

with the Two Separate Articles; 
Part of the Counter-Project; The 
Sentiments of Prince Eugene and 
Count Sinzendorf, upon the faid 
Treaty; And a Reprefentation of 
the Englijh Merchants zx.'Bruges. 


Printed for John Morpbew, near Stationers- 
Hall, 171 2. Price6</. 

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JJ/HEN I published the discourse called, " The Conduct of 
the Allies" I had thoughts either of inserting or annex- 
ing the Barrier Treaty at length, with such observations, as I 
conceived might be useful for public information : But that 
discourse taking up more room than I designed, after my 
utmost endeavours to abbreviate it, I contented myself only with 
making some few reflections upon that famous treaty, sufficient, 
as I thought, to answer the design of my book. I have since 
heard that my readers in general seemed to wish I had been 
more particular, and have discovered an impatience to have 
that treaty made public, especially since it hath been laid before 
the House of Commons. 

That I may give some light to the reader, who is not well 
versed in these affairs, he may please to know, that a project 
for a treaty of barrier with the States, was transmitted hither 
from Holland; but being disapproved of by our court in several 
parts, a new project, or scheme of a treaty, was drawn up 
here, with many additions and alterations. This last was 
called the counter-project; and was the measure whereby the 
Duke of Marlborough and my Lord Townshend were com- 
manded and instructed to proceed, in negotiating a treaty of 
barrier with the States. I have added a translation of this 
counter-project, in those articles where it differs from the 
barrier treaty, that the reader, by comparing them together, 
may judge how punctually those negotiators observed their in- 
structions. I have likewise subjoined the sentiments of Prince 
Eugene of Savoy and the Count de Sinzendorf? relating to 

1 Prince Eugene of Savoy was the famous general with whom Marl- 
borough acted against the armies of Louis XIV. 

Count Sinzendorf was one of the ministers of the Emperor Joseph of 
Austria and of Charles VI. of Austria. He acted as their representative 
at several important congresses. See Coxe's " House of Austria " and 
Coxe's "Marlborough." [T. S.] 


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this treaty, written (I suppose) while it was negotiating. 
And lastly, I have added a copy of the representation of the 
British merchants at Bruges, signifying what inconveniences 
they already felt, and further apprehended, from this barrier 

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IMAGINE a reasonable person in China were reading the 
following treaty, and one who was ignorant of our 
affairs, or our geography; he would conceive their high 
mightinesses the States-General, to be some vast powerful 
commonwealth, like that of Rome, and Her Majesty to be 
a petty prince, like one of those to whom that republic 
would sometimes send a diadem for a present, when they 
behaved themselves well; otherwise could depose at pleasure, 
and place whom they thought fit in their stead. Such a 
man would think, that the States had taken our prince and 
us into their protection ; and in return honoured us so far, 
as to make use of our troops as some small assistance in 
their conquests, and the enlargement of their empire, or to 
prevent the incursions of barbarians upon some of their 
out-lying provinces. But how must it sound in an European 
ear, that Great Britain, after maintaining a war for so many 
years, with so much glory and success, and such prodigious 
expense ; after saving the Empire, Holland, and Portugal, 
and almost recovering Spain, should, towards the close of a 
war, enter into a treaty with seven Dutch provinces, to 
secure to them a dominion larger than their own, which she 
had conquered for them; to undertake for a great deal 
more, without stipulating the least advantage for herself; 
and accept as an equivalent, the mean condition of those 
States assisting to preserve her Queen on the throne, whom, 
by God's assistance, she is able to defend against all Her 
Majesty's enemies and allies put together ? 

Such a wild bargain could never have been made for us, 
if the States had not found it their interest to use very 
powerful motives to the chief advisers (I say nothing of the 


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person immediately employed); and if a party here at 
home had not been resolved, for ends and purposes very 
well known, to continue the war as long as they had any 
occasion for it. 

The counter-project of this treaty, made here at London, 
was bad enough in all conscience : I have said something 
of it in the preface : Her Majesty's ministers were instructed 
to proceed by it in their negotiation. There was one point 
in that project which would have been of consequence to 
Britain, and one or two more, where the advantages of the 
States were not so very exorbitant, and where some care 
was taken of the house of Austria. Is it possible that 
"our good allies and friends" could not be brought to any 
terms with us, unless by striking out every particular that 
might do us any good, and adding still more to them, where 
so much was already granted? For instance, the article 
about demolishing of Dunkirk, surely might have remained, 
which was of some benefit to the States, as well as of 
mighty advantage to us, and which the French king has 
lately yielded in one of his preliminaries, though clogged 
with the demand of an equivalent, which will owe its 
difficulty only to this treaty. 

But let me now consider the treaty itself: Among the 
one-and-twenty articles of which it consists, only two have 
any relation to us, importing that the Dutch are to be 
guarantees of our succession, and are not to enter into any 
treaty till the Queen is acknowledged by France. We know 
very well, that it is in consequence the interest of the 
States, as much as ours, that Britain should be governed by 
a Protestant prince. Besides, what is there more in this 
guarantee, than in all common leagues offensive and de- 
fensive between two powers, where each is obliged to defend 
the other against any invader with all their strength ? Such 
was the grand alliance between the emperor, 1 Britain and 
Holland, which was, or ought to have been, as good a 
guarantee of our succession, to all intents and purposes, as 
this in the barrier treaty ; and the mutual engagements in 
such alliances have been always reckoned sufficient, without 
any separate benefit to either party. 

1 Emperor Leopold of Austria. [T. S.] 

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It is, no doubt, for the interest of Britain, that the States 
should have a sufficient barrier against France : But their 
high mightinesses, for some few years past, have put a dif- 
ferent meaning upon the word barrier, from what it formerly 
used to bear, when applied to them. When the late King 
was Prince of Orange, and commanded their armies against 
France, it was never once imagined that any of the towns 
taken, should belong to the Dutch ; they were all imme- 
diately delivered up to their lawful monarch ; and Flanders 
was only a barrier to Holland, as it was in the hands of 
Spain, rather than France. So in the grand alliance of 
1 701, the several powers promising to endeavour to recover 
Flanders for a barrier, was understood to be the recovering 
those provinces to the King of Spain : But in this treaty, 
the style is wholly changed : Here are about twenty towns 
and forts of great importance, with their chatellanies and 
dependencies (which dependencies are likewise to be en- 
larged as much as possible) and the whole revenues of 
them, to be under the perpetual military government of the 
Dutch, by which that republic will be entirely masters of the 
richest part of all Flanders. And upon any appearance of 
war, they may put their garrisons into any other place of the 
Low Countries ; and further, the King of Spain is to give 
them a revenue of four hundred thousand crowns a year, to 
enable them to maintain those garrisons. 

Why should we wonder, that the Dutch are inclined to 
perpetuate the war, when, by an article in this treaty, the 
King of Spain is " not to possess one single town in the 
Low Countries, till a peace is made ? " The Duke of Anjou 
at the beginning of this war, maintained six-and-thirty 
thousand men out of those Spanish provinces he then 
possessed; to which if we add the many towns since 
taken, which were not in the late King of Spain's possession 
at the time of his death, with all their territories and 
dependencies, it is visible what forces the States may be 
able to keep, even without any charge to their peculiar 

The towns and chatellanies of this barrier always main- 
tained their garrisons when they were in the hands of 
France, and, as it is reported, returned a considerable sum 
of money into the king's coffers ; yet the King of Spain is 

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obliged by this treaty (as we have already observed) to add, 
over and above, a revenue of four hundred thousand crowns 
a year. We know likewise, that a great part of the revenue 
of the Spanish Netherlands is already pawned to the States ; 
so that after a peace, nothing will be left to the sovereign, 
nor will the people be much eased of the taxes they at 
present labour under. 

Thus the States, by virtue of this barrier treaty, will, in 
effect, be absolute sovereigns of all Flanders, and of the 
whole revenues in the utmost extent 

And here I cannot, without some contempt, take notice 
of a sort of reasoning offered by several people, that the 
many towns we have taken for the Dutch are of no advan- 
tage, because the whole revenues of those towns are spent 
in maintaining them. For first, the fact is manifestly false, 
particularly as to Lille and some others : Secondly, the 
States, after a peace, are to have four hundred thousand 
crowns a year out of the remainder of Flanders, which is 
then to be left to Spain: And lastly, suppose all these 
acquired dominions will not bring a penny into their 
treasury; what can be of greater consequence, than to be 
able to maintain a mighty army out of their new conquests, 
which before they always did by taxing their natural 
subjects ? 

How shall we be able to answer it to King Charles the 
Third, 1 that while we pretend to endeavour restoring him to 
the entire monarchy of Spain, we join at the same time with 
the Dutch to deprive him of his natural right to the Low 
Countries ? 

But suppose by a Dutch barrier must now be understood 
only what is to be in possession of the States ; yet even 
under this acceptation of the word, nothing was originally 
meant except a barrier against France; whereas several 
towns demanded by the Dutch in this treaty, can be of no 

1 This was the Archduke Charles, the second son of the emperor, 
who was proclaimed King Charles III. at Vienna on September 12th, 
1703. On his accession to the throne of Austria as Charles VI., in 
succession to Joseph I. , he still called himself King of Spain ; but the 
Treaty of Utrecht gave the crown to Philip. The true King Charles III. 
of Spain was born in 17 16, four years after Swift wrote this tract. 

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use at all in such a barrier. And this is the sentiment even 
of Prince Eugene himself (the present oracle and idol of the 
party here), who says, " that Dendermonde, Ostend, and the 
Castle of Ghent, do in no sort belong to the barrier, nor 
can be of other use than to make the States-General masters 
of the Low Countries, and hinder their trade with England." 
And further, "That those who are acquainted with the 
country know very well, that lierre, and Hal to fortify, can 
give no security to the States as a barrier, but only raise a 
jealousy in the people, that these places are only fortified in 
order to block up Brussels, and the other great towns of 

In those towns of Flanders where the Dutch are to have 
garrisons, but the ecclesiastical and civil power to remain to 
the King of Spain after a peace ; the States have power to 
send arms, ammunition and victuals without paying cus- 
toms; under which pretence they will engross the whole 
trade of those towns, exclusive to all other nations. This, 
Prince Eugene likewise foresaw, and, in his observations 
upon this treaty here annexed, proposed a remedy for it 

And if the Dutch shall please to think, that the whole 
Spanish Netherlands are not a sufficient barrier for them; I 
know no remedy from the words of this treaty, but that we 
must still go on, and conquer for them as long as they 
please. For the Queen is obliged, whenever a peace is 
treated, to procure for them "whatever shall be thought 
necessary " besides ; and where their necessity will terminate, 
is not very easy to foresee. 

Could any of Her Majesty^ subjects conceive, that in the 
towns we have taken for the Dutch, and given into their 
possession as a barrier, either the States should demand, or 
our ministers allow, that the subjects of Britain should, in 
respect to their trade, be used worse in those very towns, 
than they were under the late King of Spain ? Yet this is 
the fact, as monstrous as it appears : All goods going to, or 
coming from Nieuport or Ostend, are to pay the same 
duties as those that pass by the Scheldt under the Dutch 
forts; and this, in effect, is to shut out all other nations 
from trading to Flanders. The English merchants at Bruges 
complain, that "after they have paid the King of Spain's 
duty for goods imported at Ostend, the same goods are 

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made liable to further duties, when they are carried from 
thence into the towns of the Dutch new conquests " ; and 
desire only " the same privileges of trade they had before 
the death of the late King of Spain, Charles II." And in 
consequence of this treaty, the Dutch have already taken 
off 8 per cent, from all goods they send to the Spanish 
Flanders, but left it still upon us. 

But what is very surprising; in the very same article 
where "our good friends and allies" are wholly shutting 
us out from trading in those towns we have conquered 
for them with so much blood and treasure, the Queen is 
obliged to procure that the States shall be used as favour- 
ably in their trade over all the King of Spain's dominions, 
as her own subjects, or "as the people most favoured." 
This I humbly conceive to be perfect boys' play, "Cross 
I win, and pile you lose;" or, "What's yours is mine, 
and what 's mine is my own." Now if it should happen 
that in a treaty of peace, some ports or towns should be 
yielded us for the security of our trade in any part of the 
Spanish dominions, at how great a distance soever; I 
suppose the Dutch would go on with their boys' play, 
and "challenge half" by virtue of that article: Or would 
they be content with the military government and the 
revenues, and reckon them among " what shall be thought 
necessary " for their barrier ? 

This prodigious article is introduced as subsequent to 
the treaty of Munster, made about the year 1648, at a time 
when England was in the utmost confusion, and very much 
to our disadvantage. Those parts in that treaty, so unjust 
in themselves, and so prejudicial to our trade, ought in 
reason to have been remitted, rather than confirmed upon 
us for the time to come: But this is Dutch partnership, 
to share in all our beneficial bargains, and exclude us 
wholly from theirs, even from those which we have got 
for them. 

In one part of "The Conduct of the Allies, &c," among 
other remarks upon this treaty, I make it a question, 
whether it were right in point of policy or prudence to 
call in a foreign power to be guarantee to our succession ; 
because by that means "we put it out of the power of 
our own legislature to alter the succession, how much 

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soever the necessity of the kingdom may require it ? " To 
comply with the cautions of some people, I explained my 
meaning in the following editions. 1 I was assured that 
my lord chief justice a affirmed that passage was treason ; 
one of my answerers, I think, decides as favourably ; and 
I am told, that paragraph was read very lately during a 
debate, with a comment in very injurious terms, which, 
perhaps, might have been spared. That the legislature 
should have power to change the succession, whenever 
the necessities of the kingdom require, is so very useful 
towards preserving our religion and liberty, that I know 
not how to recant. The worst of this opinion is, that at 
first sight it appears to be whiggish; but the distinction 
is thus, the Whigs are for changing the succession when 
they think fit, though the entire legislature do not consent ; 
I think it ought never to be done but upon great necessity, 
and that with the sanction of the whole legislature. Do 
these gentlemen of revolution-principles think it impossible 
that we should ever have occasion again to change our 
succession ? And if such an accident should fall out, must 
we have no remedy, till the Seven Provinces will give their 
consent? Suppose that this virulent party among us were 
as able, as some are willing, to raise a rebellion for reinstat- 
ing them in power, and would apply themselves to the 
Dutch, as guarantees of our succession, to assist them 
with all their force, under pretence that the Queen and 
ministry, a great majority of both houses, and the bulk 
of the people were for bringing over France, Popery, and 
the Pretender? Their high mightinesses would, as I take 
it, be sole judges of the controversy, and probably decide 
it so well, that in some time we might have the happiness 
of becoming a province to Holland. I am humbly of 
opinion, that there are two qualities necessary to a reader, 
before his judgment should be allowed ; these are, common 
honesty, and common sense ; and that no man could have 
misrepresented that paragraph in my discourse, unless he 
wer6 utterly destitute of one or both. 

The . presumptive successor, and her immediate heirs, 
have so established a reputation in the world, for their 

1 See note on p. 123. [T. S.] 

2 Lord Chief Justice Parker. [T. S.] 

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piety, wisdom, and humanity, that no necessity of this 
kind, is like to appear in their days; but I must still 
insist, that it is a diminution to the independency of the 
imperial crown of Great Britain, to call at every door for 
help to put our laws in execution : And we ought to con- 
sider, that if in ages to come, such a prince should happen 
to be in succession to our throne, who should be entirely 
unable to govern; that very motive might incline our 
guarantees to support him, the more effectually to bring 
the rivals of their trade into confusion and disorder. 

But to return: The Queen is here put under the un- 
reasonable obligation of being guarantee of the whole barrier 
treaty, of the Dutch having possession of the said barrier 
and the revenues thereof, before a peace ; of the payment 
of four hundred thousand crowns by the King of Spain ; that 
the States shall possess their barrier even before King Charles 
is in possession of the Spanish Netherlands; although by 
the fifth article of the grand alliance, Her Majesty is under 
no obligation to do any thing of this nature, " except in a 
general treaty." 

All kings, princes, and states are invited to enter into 
this treaty, and to be guarantees of its execution. This 
article, though very frequent in treaties, seems to look 
very oddly in that of the barrier : Popish princes are here 
invited among others, to become guarantees of our Protestant 
succession: Every petty prince in Germany must be en- 
treated to preserve the Queen of Great Britain upon her 
throne : The King of Spain is invited particularly and by 
name, to become guarantee of the execution of a treaty, 
by which his allies, who pretend to fight his battles, and 
recover his dominions, strip him in effect of all his ten 
provinces : A clear reason why they never sent any forces 
to Spain, and why the obligation not to enter into a treaty 
of peace with France, till that entire monarchy were yielded 
as a preliminary, was struck out of the counter-project by 
the Dutch. They fought only in Flanders, because there 
they only fought for themselves. King Charles must needs 
accept this invitation very kindly, and stand by with great 
satisfaction, while the Belgic lion divides the prey, and 
assigns it all to himself. I remember there was a parcel 
of soldiers who robbed a farmer of his poultry, and then 

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made him wait at table while they devoured his victuals, 
without giving him a morsel; and upon his expostulating, 
had only for answer, "Why, sirrah, are we not come here 
to protect you ? " And thus much for this generous invita- 
tion to all kings and princes, to lend their assistance, and 
become guarantees, out of pure good nature, for securing 
Flanders to the Dutch. 

In the treaty of Ryswyck, 1 no care was taken to oblige the 
French king to acknowledge the right of succession in Her 
present Majesty; for want of which point being then settled, 
France refused to acknowledge her for Queen of Great 
Britain, after the late king's death. This unaccountable 
neglect (if it were a neglect) is here called an " omission," 
and care is taken to supply it in the next general treaty of 
peace. I mention this occasionally, because I have some 
stubborn doubts within me whether it were a wilful omission 
or no. Neither do I herein reflect in the least upon the 
memory of His late Majesty, whom I entirely acquit of any 
imputation upon this matter. But when I recollect the 
behaviour, the language, and the principles of some certain 
persons in those days, and compare them with that omission ; 
I am tempted to draw some conclusions, which a certain 
party would be more ready to call false and malicious, than 
to prove them so. 

I must here take leave (because it will not otherwise fall 
in my way) to say a few words in return to a gentleman, I 
know not of what character or calling, who has done me the 
honour to write three discourses against that treatise of "The 
Conduct of the Allies, &c." and promises, for my comfort, 
to conclude all in a fourth. 2 I pity answerers with all my 
heart, for the many disadvantages they lie under. My book 
did a world of mischief (as he calls it) before his First Part 
could possibly come out; and so went on through the 
kingdom, while his limped slowly after, 8 and if it arrived at 

1 See note, p. 67. [T. S.] 

* This was l)r. Hare, chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough, and 
successively Bishop of St. Asaph and Bishop of Chichester, who wrote, 
in four parts, " The Allies and the late Ministry Defended." See note 
on p. 170. [T. S.] 

8 To which Hare replied : " Falsehood on the wings of power moves 
"swift, and spreads apace, but in the nature of it is short-lived, and dies 
soon ; while truth, to use this author's words, ' limps but slowly after ; ' 

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all, it was too late ; for people's opinions were already fixed. 
His manner of answering me is thus : Of those facts which 
he pretends to examine, some he resolutely denies, others he 
endeavours to extenuate, and the rest he distorts with such 
unnatural turns, that I would engage, by the same method, 
to disprove any history, either ancient or modern. Then the 
whole is interlarded with a thousand injurious epithets and 
appellations, which heavy writers are forced to make use of, 
as a supply for that want of spirit and genius they are not 
born to : Yet, after all, he allows a very great point for which 
I contend, confessing in plain words, that the burthen of the 
war has chiefly lain upon us ; and thinks it sufficient for the 
Dutch, that, next to England, they have borne the greatest 
share. And is not this the great grievance of which the 
whole kingdom complains ? I am inclined to think that my 
intelligence was at least as good as his ; and some of it, I 
can assure him, came from persons of his own party, though 
perhaps not altogether so inflamed. Hitherto therefore, the 
matter is pretty equal, and the world may believe him or me, 
as they please. But, I think, the great point of controversy 
between us, is, whether the effects and consequences of 
things follow better from his premises or mine : And there I 
will not be satisfied, unless he will allow the whole advan- 
tage to be on my side. Here is a flourishing kingdom 
brought to the brink of ruin, by a "most successful and 
glorious war" of ten years, under an "able, diligent, 
loyal ministry; a most faithful, just, and generous com- 
mander ; " and in conjunction with the most hearty, reason- 
able, and sincere allies: This is the case, as that author 
represents it. I have heard a story, I think it was of the 
Duke of ### who playing at hazard at the groom-porters' in 
much company, held in a great many hands together, and 
drew a huge heap of gold ; but, in the heat of play, never 
observed a sharper, who came once or twice under his arm, 
and swept a great deal of it into his hat : The company 
thought it had been one of his servants : When the duke's 
hand was out, they were talking how much he had won : 
"Yes," said he, " I held in very long ; yet, methinks, I have 

but where it is received, its impressions last : and though it may perhaps, 
as he says, 'arrive too late/ arrive it will " (Part IV. of " The Allies 
and the late Ministry Defended," p. 84). [T. S.] 

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won but very little : " They told him, his servant had got the 
rest in his hat ; and then he found he was cheated. 

It hath been my good fortune to see the most important 
facts that I have advanced, justified by the public voice ; 
which let this author do what he can, will incline the world 
to believe, that I may be right in the rest : And I solemnly 
declare, that I have not wilfully committed the least mistake. 
I stopped the second edition, 1 and made all possible enquiries 
among those who I thought could best inform me, in order 
to correct any error I could hear of: I did the same to the 
third and fourth editions, and then left the printer to his 
liberty. This I take for a more effectual answer to all cavils, 
than an hundred pages of controversy. 

But what disgusts me from having any thing to do with 
this race of answer-jobbers, is, that they have no sort of 
conscience in their dealings : To give one instance in this 
gentleman's Third Part, which I have been lately looking 
into. When I talk of the " most petty princes," he says, I 
mean " crowned heads : " When I say, "the soldiers of those 
petty princes are ready to rob or starve at home : " He says 
I call kings and crowned heads, "robbers and highwaymen." 
This is what the Whigs call answering a book. 2 

1 See note on p. 56. The correction first appeared in the fourth 
edition. [T. S.] 

2 The following is the passage in Hare's pamphlet referred to by 
Swift : *\ Here is a general character of all the princes to whom we pay 
subsidies. Is this language fit for sovereign princes ; for estates and 
crowned heads ? Are ten or a dozen princes to be branded with such 
words of infamy at once ? Should not the Elector of Hanover, at least, 
be in decency excepted from the common herd ? . . . . And shall it be 
permitted to an insolent scribbler, to treat in this licentious manner, 
princes, who are our friends, in the same interest with us, and two of 
the same religion? For under this character of petty princes, are 
included, and indeed principally intended, the Kings of Denmark, 
Prussia, and Poland. . . . Tnese are some of the princes, who we are 
told must do that, the sound of which the meanest man of common 
honesty abhors, ROB, or starve, if it were not for our subsidies. If 
this author be in the secret, what must we think of our alliances ? For 
this is the language of an enemy : 'tis the language which a generous 
enemy would scorn to use. I can't but think from many passages in 
this book, and this, among others, that the writer of it is at bottom an 
enemy to every thing an Englishman has a value for ; to our trade, to 
our succession, to our religion, to all alliances that are for our security, 
to every thing that interferes with the interest of France, to faith, 

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I cannot omit one particular, concerning this author, who 
is so positive in asserting his own facts, and contradicting 
mine: He affirms, "that the business of Toulon was dis- 
covered by the clerk of a certain great man, who was then 
secretary of state." * It is neither wise, nor for the credit of 
his party, to put us in mind either of that secretary, or of that 
clerk ; however, so it happens, that nothing relating to the 
affair of Toulon did ever pass through that secretary's office: 
Which I here affirm, with great phlegm, leaving the epithets 
of false, scandalous, villainous, and the rest, to the author 
and his fellows. 

But to leave this author ; let us consider the consequence 
of our triumphs, upon which some set so great a value, as to 
think that nothing less than the crown can be a sufficient 
reward for the merit of the general : We have not enlarged 
our dominions by one foot of land : Our trade, which made 
us considerable in the world, is either given up by treaties, 
or clogged with duties, which interrupt and daily lessen it : 
We see the whole nation groaning under excessive taxes of 
all sorts, to raise three millions of money for payment of the 
interest of those debts we have contracted. Let us look 
upon the reverse of the medal, we shall see our neighbours, 
who in their utmost distress, called for our assistance, 
become, by this treaty, even in time of peace, masters of a 
more considerable country than their own; in a condition to 
strike terror into us, with fifty thousand veterans ready to 
invade us, from that country which we have conquered for 
them ; and to commit insolent hostilities upon us, in all other 
parts, as they have lately done in the East Indies. 

The Barrier Treaty between Her Majesty and the 
States General. 

Her Majesty^ the Queen of Great Britain, and the lords the 
States General of the United Provinces^ having considered hew 
much it concerns the quiet and the security of their kingdoms 

honesty, and good manners ; else so many things could not fell from 
him, that are not consistent with any other character." — " The Allies 
and the late Ministry Defended," Part III.,p. 53, et seq. [T. S.] 
1 William Gregg. See note on p. 3a [T. S. ] 

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and states, and the public tranquillity ', to maintain and to 
secure on one side the succession to the crown of Great Britain, 
in such manner as it is now established by the laws of the 
kingdom ; and on the other side, That the said States General 
of the United Provinces should have a strong and sufficient 
barrier against France, and others, who would surprise or 
attack them : And Her Majesty and the said States General 
apprehending, with just reason, the troubles and the mischiefs 
which may happen, in relation to this succession, if at any 
time there should be any person or any power who should call 
it in question ; and, That the countries and states of the said 
lords the States General, were not furnished with such a 
barrier. For these said reasons, Her said Majesty the Queen 
of Great Britain, though in the vigour of her age, and enjoy- 
ing perfect health, (which may God preserve her in many 
years) out of an effect of her usual prudence and piety, has 
thought fit to enter, with the lords the States General of the 
United Provinces, into a particular alliance and confederacy, 
the principal end and only aim of which, shall be the public 
quiet and tranquillity ; and to prevent, by measures taken in 
time, all the events which might one day excite new wars. It 
is with this view that Her British Majesty has given her full 
power to agree upon some articles of a treaty, in addition to 
the treaties and alliances that she has already with the lords 
the States General of the United Province, to her ambassador 
extraordinary and plenipotentiary, Charles Viscount Town- 
shend, Baron of Lynn-Regis, privy counsellor of Her British 
Majesty, captain of Her said Majesty's yeomen of the guard, 
and her lieutenant in the county of Norfolk : And the lords 
the States deneral of the United Provinces, to the Sieurs John 
de Welderen, Lord of Valburg, great bailiff of the Lower 
Betuwe, of the body of the nobility of the province of Guelder ; 
Frederick Baron of Reede, Lord of Lierre, St. Anthony and 
T'er Lee, of the order of the nobility of the province of Holland 
and West Friesland; Anthony Heinsius, counsellor-pensionary 
of the province of Holland and West Friesland, keeper of the 
great seal, and superintendent of the fiefs of the same province ; 
Cornelius Van Gheel, Lord of Spanbrook Bulkesteyn, &*c. 
Gideon Hoeuft, canon of the chapter of the church of St. Peter 
at Utrecht, and elected counsellor in the states of the province 
of Utrecht; Hassel Van Sminia, secretary of the chamber of 
v. L 

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accounts of the province of Friesland; Ernest Ittersum, Lord 
of Osterhof of the body of the nobility of the province of 
Overyssel; and Wicher Wichers, senator of the city of Gro- 
ningen; all deputies to the assembly of the said lords the 
States General on the part, respectively \ of the provinces of 
Guelder, Holland, West Friesland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Fries- 
land, Overyssel, and Groningen, and Ommelands, who, by 
virtue of their full powers, are agreed upon the following 


The treaties of peace, friendship, alliance and confederacy 
between Her Britannic Majesty and the States General of 
the United Provinces, shall be approved and confirmed by 
the present treaty, and shall remain in their former force and 
vigour, as if they were inserted word for word. 


The succession to the crown of England having been 
settled by an act of parliament passed the twelfth year of the 
reign of His late Majesty King William the Third ; the title 
of which is, " An act for the further limitation of the crown, 
and better securing the rights and liberties of the subject : " 
And lately, in the sixth year of the reign of Her present 
Majesty, this succession having been again established and 
confirmed by another act made for the " greater security of 
Her Majesty's person and government, and the succession 
to the crown of Great Britain, &c. in the line of the most 
serene House of Hanover, and in the person of the Princess 
Sophia, and of her heirs, successors and descendants, male 
and female, already born or to be born : " And though no 
power has any right to oppose the laws made upon this sub- 
ject, by the crown and parliament of Great Britain, if it 
should happen, nevertheless, that under any pretence, or by 
any cause whatever, any person, or any power or state may 
pretend to dispute the establishment which the parliament 
has made of the aforesaid succession, in the most serene 
House of Hanover, to oppose the said succession, to assist 
or favour those who may oppose it, whether directly or in- 
directly, by open war, or by fomenting seditions and con- 

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spiracies against her or him to whom the crown of Great 
Britain shall descend, according to the acts aforesaid ; The 
States General engage and promise to assist and maintain, 
in the said succession, her or him to whom it shall belong, 
by virtue of the said acts of parliament, to assist them in 
taking possession, if they should not be in actual possession, 
and to oppose those who would disturb them in the taking 
such possession, or in the actual possession of the aforesaid 


Her said Majesty and the States General, in consequence 
of the fifth article of the alliance concluded between the 
emperor, the late King of Great Britain, and the States 
General, the 7th of September, 1701, will employ all their 
force to recover the rest of the Spanish Low Countries. 


And further, they will endeavour to conquer as many 
towns and forts as they can, in order to their being a barrier 
and security to the said States. 


And whereas, according to the ninth article of the said 
alliance, it is to be agreed, amongst other matters, how and 
in what manner the States shall be made safe by means of 
this barrier, the Queen of Great Britain will use her en- 
deavours to procure, that in the treaty of peace it may be 
agreed, that all the Spanish Low Countries, and what else 
may be found necessary, whether conquered or unconquered 
places, shall serve as a barrier to the States. 


That to this end their high mightinesses shall have the 
liberty to put and keep garrison, to change, augment and 
diminish it as they shall judge proper, in the places following : 
Namely, Nieuport, Fumes, with the fort of Knocke, Ypres, 
Menin, the town and citadel of Lille, Tournay and its citadel, 
Conde, Valenciennes ; and the places which shall from hence- 

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forward be conquered from France, Maubeuge, Charleroi, 
Namur and its citadel, Lierre, Hal, to fortify, the ports of 
Perle, Philippe, Damme, the castle of Ghent, and Dender- 
monde ; the fort of St. Donas being joined to the fortifica- 
tions of the Sluice, and being entirely incorporated with it, 
shall remain and be yielded in property to the States. 
The fort of Rhodenhuysen, on this side Ghent, shall be 


The said States General may, in case of an apparent attack, 
or war, put as many troops as they shall think necessary in 
all the towns, places and forts in the Spanish Low Countries, 
where the reason of war shall require it. 


They may likewise send into the towns, forts and places, 
where they shall have their garrisons, without any hindrance, 
and without paying any duties, provisions, ammunitions of 
war, arms and artillery, materials for the fortifications, and 
all that shall be found convenient and necessary for the said 
garrisons and fortifications. 


The said States General shall also have liberty to appoint 
in the towns, forts and places of their barrier, mentioned in 
the foregoing sixth article, where they may have garrisons, 
such governors and commanders, majors and other officers, 
as they shall find proper, who shall not be subject to any 
other orders, whatsoever they be, or from whencesoever they 
may come, relating to the security and military government 
of the said places, but only to those of their high mighti- 
nesses (exclusively of all others) ; still preserving the rights 
and privileges, as well ecclesiastical as political, of King 
Charles the Third. 


That, besides, the said States shall have liberty to fortify 
the said towns, places and forts which belonged to them, 

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and repair the fortifications of them, in such manner as they 
shall judge necessary ; and further to do whatever shall be 
useful for their defence. 


It is agreed, That the States General shall have all the 
revenues of the towns, places, jurisdictions, and their de- 
pendencies, which they shall have for their barrier from 
France, which were not in the possession of the crown 
of Spain, at the time of the death of the late King 
Charles the Second ; and besides, a million of livres shall be 
settled for the payment of one hundred thousand crowns 
every three months, out of the clearest revenues of the 
Spanish Low Countries, which the said king was then in 
possession of; both which are for maintaining the garrisons 
of the States, and for supplying the fortifications, as also the 
magazines, and other necessary expenses, in the towns and 
places above mentioned. And that the said revenues may 
be sufficient to support these expenses, endeavours shall be 
used for enlarging the dependencies and jurisdictions afore- 
said, as much as possible ; and particularly for including with 
the jurisdiction of Ypres, that of Cassel, and the forest of 
Niepe ; and with the jurisdiction of Lille, the jurisdiction of 
Douay, both having been so joined before the present war. 


That no town, fort, place, or country of the Spanish Low 
Countries, shall be granted, transferred, or given, or descend 
to ,the crown of France, or any one of the line of France, 
neither by virtue of any gift, sale, exchange, marriage, agree- 
ment, inheritance, succession by will, or through want of 
will, from no title whatsoever, nor in any other manner what- 
ever, nor be put into the power or under the authority of the 
Most Christian King, or any one of the line of France. 


And whereas the said States General, in consequence of 
the ninth article of the said alliance, are to make a conven- 
tion or treaty with King Charles the Third, for putting the 

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States in a condition of safety, by means of the said barrier, 
the Queen of Great Britain will do what depends upon her, 
that all the foregoing particulars, relating to the barrier of 
the States, may be inserted in the aforesaid treaty or con- 
vention ; and that Her said Majesty will continue her good 
offices, till the above-mentioned convention, between the 
States and the said King Charles the Third, be concluded, 
agreeably to what is before-mentioned; and that Her 
Majesty will be guarantee of the said treaty or convention. 


And that the said States may enjoy from henceforward, as 
much as possible, a barrier for the Spanish Low Countries, 
they shall be permitted to put their garrisons in the towns 
already taken, and which may hereafter be so, before the 
peace be concluded and ratified. And in the meantime the 
said King Charles the Third shall not be allowed to enter 
into possession of the said Spanish Low Countries, neither 
entirely nor in part ; and during that time the Queen shall 
assist their high mightinesses to maintain them in the enjoy- 
ment of the revenues, and to find the million of livres a year 


And whereas their high mightinesses have stipulated by 
the treaty of Munster, 1 in the fourteenth article, That the 
river Scheldt, as also the canals of Sas, Swyn, and other 
mouths of the sea bordering thereupon, should be kept shut 
on the side of the States : 

And in the fifteenth article, That the ships and com- 
modities going in and coming out of the harbours of Flanders, 
shall be and remain charged with all such imposts and 
other duties, as are raised upon commodities going and 
coming along the Scheldt, and the other canals above- 
mentioned : 

1 The famous treaty of Munster was concluded June 30th, 1643, an< * 
by it Spain acknowledged the new Dutch Republic, and permitted the 
States to keep their conquests in the Netherlands. It also agreed in 
shutting up the navigation of the Scheldt. See Coxe*s "House of 
Austria," vol. ii, pp. 330-331 (Bohn edition). [T. S.] 

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The Queen of Great Britain promises and engages, That 
their high mightinesses shall never be disturbed in their right 
and possession, in that respect, neither directly or indirectly ; 
as also that the commerce shall not, in prejudice of the said 
treaty, be made more easy by the sea-ports, than by the 
rivers, canals and mouths of the sea, on the side of the 
States of the United Provinces, neither directly nor in- 

And whereas by the 16th and 17 th articles of the same 
treaty of Munster, his majesty the King of Spain, is obliged 
to treat the subjects of their high mightinesses as favourably 
as the subjects of Great Britain and the Hansetowns, who 
were then the people the most favourably treated; Her 
Britannic Majesty and their high mightinesses promise like- 
wise, to take care that the subjects of Great Britain, and of 
their high mightinesses, shall be treated in the Spanish Low 
Countries, as well as in all Spain, the kingdoms and states 
belonging to it, equally, and as well the one as the other, as 
favourably as the people the most favoured. 


The said Queen and States General oblige themselves to 
furnish, by sea and land, the succours and assistance neces- 
sary to maintain, by force, Her said Majesty in the quiet 
possession of her kingdoms ; and the most Serene House of 
Hanover in the said succession, in the manner it is settled 
by the acts of parliament before-mentioned ; and to maintain 
the said States General in the possession of the said barrier. 


After the ratifications of this treaty, a particular conven- 
tion shall be made of the conditions by which the said 
Queen, and the said lords, the States General, will engage 
themselves to furnish the succours which shall be thought 
necessary, as well by sea as by land. 


If Her British Majesty, or the States General of the 
United Provinces, be attacked by any body whatsoever, by 

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reason of this convention, they shall mutually assist one 
another with all their forces, and become guarantees of the 
execution of the said convention. 


There shall be invited and admitted into the present 
treaty, as soon as possible, all the kings, princes and states, 
who shall be willing to enter into the same, particularly his 
Imperial Majesty, the Kings of Spain and Prussia, and the 
Elector of Hanover. And Her British Majesty, and the 
States General of the United Provinces, and each of them in 
particular, shall be permitted to require and invite those 
whom they shall think fit to require and invite, to enter into 
this treaty, and to be guarantees of its execution. 


And as time has shewn the omission which was made in 
the treaty signed at Ryswyck in the year 1697, between 
England and France, in respect of the right of the succes- 
sion of England, in the person of Her Majesty the Queen 
of Great Britain now reigning ; and that for want of having 
settled in that treaty this indisputable right of Her Majesty, 
France refused to acknowledge her for Queen of Great 
Britain, after the death of the late King William the Third, 
of glorious memory: Her Majesty, the Queen of Great 
Britain, and the lords, the States General of the United 
Provinces, do agree and engage themselves likewise, not 
to enter into any negotiation or treaty of peace with France, 
before the title of Her Majesty to the crown of Great 
Britain, as also the right of succession of the most Serene 
House of Hanover, to the aforesaid crown, in the manner 
it is settled and established by the before-mentioned acts 
of parliament, be fully acknowledged, as a preliminary by 
France, and that France has promised at the same time 
to remove out of its dominions the person who pretends 
to be King of Great Britain ; and that no negotiation nor 
formal discussion of the articles of the said treaty of peace 
shall be entered into, but jointly and at the same time with 
the said Queen, or with her ministers. 

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Her British Majesty, and the lords the States General 
of the United Provinces, shall ratify and confirm all that 
is contained in the present treaty, within the space of four 
weeks, to be reckoned from the day of the signing: In 
testimony whereof, the underwritten ambassador extra- 
ordinary and plenipotentiary of Her British Majesty, and 
the deputies of the lords the States General have signed 
this present treaty, and have affixed their seals thereunto. 

At the Hague, the 29th of October, in the year 1709. 

(L. S.) Townshend. 

(L. S.) J. V. Welderen. 
CL. S.) J. B. Van Reede. 
(L. S.) A. Heinsius. 
(L. S.) G. Hoeuft. 
(L. S.) H. Sminia. 
(L. S.) E. V. Ittersum. 
(L. S.) W. Wichers. 

The Separate Article, 

As in the preliminary articles signed here at the Hague 
the 28th of May, 1709, by the plenipotentiaries of his 
Imperial Majesty, of Her Majesty the Queen of Great 
Britain, and of the lords the States General of the United 
Provinces, it is stipulated, amongst other things, that the 
lords the States General shall have, with entire property 
and sovereignty, the upper quarter of Guelder, according 
to the fifty-second article of the treaty of Munster of the 
year 1648; as also that the garrisons which are or here- 
after shall be on the part of the lords the States General 
in the town of Huy, the citadel of Lifege, and in the town 
of Bonn, shall remain there, till it shall be otherwise agreed 
upon with His Imperial Majesty and the empire. And 
as the barrier which is this day agreed upon in die principal 
treaty, for the mutual guaranty between Her British Majesty 
and the Lords the States General, cannot give to the United 
Provinces the safety for which it is established, unless it 
be well secured from one end to the other, and that the 
communication of it be well joined together; for which 

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the upper quarter of Guelder, and the garrisons in the 
citadel of Liege, Huy and Bonn, are absolutely necessary : 
Experience having thrice shewn, that France having a design 
to attack the United Provinces, has made use of the places 
above mentioned in order to come at them, and to penetrate 
into the said provinces. That further, in respect to the 
equivalent for which the upper quarter of Guelder is to be 
yielded to the United Provinces, according to the fifty- 
second article of the treaty of Munster above mentioned, 
His Majesty King Charles the Third will be much more 
gratified and advantaged in other places, than that equivalent 
can avail. So that to the end the lords the States General 
may have the upper quarter of Guelder, with entire property 
and sovereignty, and that the said upper quarter of Guelder 
may be yielded in this manner to the said lords the States 
General, in the convention, or the treaty that they are to 
make with His Majesty King Charles the Third, according 
to the thirteenth article of the treaty concluded this day ; 
as also that their garrisons in the citadel of Liege, in that 
of Huy and in Bonn, may remain there, until it be other- 
wise agreed upon with His Imperial Majesty and the empire, 
Her Majesty, the Queen of Great Britain, engages herself 
and promises by this separate article, which shall have the 
same force as if it was inserted in the principal treaty, to 
make the same efforts for all this as she has engaged herself 
to make, for their obtaining the barrier in the Spanish Low 
Countries. In testimony whereof the underwritten ambas- 
sador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of Her British 
Majesty, and deputies of the lords the States General, 
have signed the present separate article, and have affixed 
their seals thereunto. 
At the Hague> the 29th of October, 1709. 

(L. S.) Townshend. 

J. V. Welderen. 
J. B. Van Reede. 
A. Heinsius. 
G. Hoeuft. 
H. Sminia. 
E. V. Ittersum. 
W. Wichers. 

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The Second Separate Article. 

As the lords the States General have represented, That 
in Flanders, the limits between Spanish Flanders, and that 
of the States, are settled in such a manner, as that the land 
belonging to the States is extremely narrow there ; so that 
in some places the territory of Spanish Flanders extends 
itself to the fortifications, and under the cannon of the 
places, towns, and forts of the States, which occasions many 
inconveniences, as has been seen by an example a little 
before the beginning of the present war, when a fort was 
designed to have been built under the cannon of the Sas 
van Gent, under pretence, that it was upon the territory of 
Spain. And as it is necessary for avoiding these and other 
sorts of inconveniencies, that the land of the States, upon 
the confines of Flanders should be enlarged, and that the 
places, towns and forts should, by that means, be better 
covered ; Her British Majesty entering into the just motives 
of the said lords the States General in this respect, promises 
and engages herself by this separate article, That in the con- 
vention that the said lords, the States General, are to make 
with His Majesty, King Charles the Third, she will so assist 
them, as that it may be agreed, That by the cession to the 
said lords, the States General, of the property of an extent 
of land necessary to obviate such like and other incon- 
veniences, their limits in Flanders shall be enlarged more 
conveniently for their security, and those of the Spanish 
Flanders removed farther from their towns, places and forts, 
to the end that these may not be so exposed any more. 
In testimony whereof, the underwritten ambassador extra- 
ordinary and plenipotentiary of Her British Majesty, and 
deputies of the lords the States General, have signed the 
present separate article, and have affixed their seals there- 

At the Hague, the 2gth of October, 1709. 

(L. S.) Townshend. 

(L. S.} J. B. Van Reed. 
(L. S. i A. Heinsius. 
(L. S.) G. Hoeuft. 
(L. S.) H. Sminia. 
(L. S.) E. V. Ittersum. 

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The Articles of the Counter-project, which were struck 
out or altered by the Dutch, in the Barrier Treaty : 
With some Remarks. 


To this end, their high mightinesses shall have power to 
put and keep garrisons in the following places, viz, Nieu- 
port, Knokke, Menin, the citadel of Lille, Toumay, Cond£, 
Valenciennes, Namur and its citadel, Liere, Hal to fortify, 
the fort of Perle, Damme, and the castle of Ghent 


In the barrier treaty, the States added the following places 
to those mentioned in this article, viz. Fumes, Ypres, town of 
Lille, Maubeuge, Charleroy, Philippe, fort of St. Donas 
(which is to be in property to the States) and the fort of 
Rhodenhuysen, to be demolished. To say nothing of the other 
places, Dendermonde is the key of all Brabant; and the 
demolishing of the fort of Rhodenhuysen, situate between 
Ghent and Sas van Gent, can only serve to defraud the 
King of Spain of the duties upon goods imported and exported 


The said States may put into the said towns, forts and 
places, and in case of open war with France, into all the 
other towns, places and forts, whatever troops the reason 
of war shall require. 


But in the barrier treaty it is said, " in case of an apparent 
attack or war, n without specifying against France : Neither is 
the number of troops limited to what the reason of war shall 
require, but what the States shall think necessary. 


Besides some smaller differences, ends with a salvo, not 
only for the ecclesiastical and civil rights of the King of Spain, 

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but likewise for his revenues in the said towns; which revenues, 
in the barrier treaty, are all given to the States, 


The revenues of the chatellanies and dependencies of the 
towns and places, which the States shall have for their 
barrier against France, and which were not in possession 
of the crown of Spain, at the late King of Spain's death, 
shall be settled to be a fund for maintaining garrisons, and 
providing for the fortifications and magazines, and other 
necessary charges of the said towns of the barrier. 


I desire the reader to compare this with. the eleventh article 
of the barrier treaty, where he will see how prodigiously it is 


All this is to be without prejudice to such other treaties 
and conventions as the Queen of Great Britain, and their 
high mightinesses, may think fit to make for the future 
with the said King Charles the Third, relating to the said 
Spanish Netherlands, or to the said barrier. N 

article xv. 

And to the end that the said States may enjoy, at present, 
as much as it is possible, a barrier in the Spanish Nether- 
lands, they shall be permitted to put their garrisons in the 
chief towns already taken, or that may be taken, before a 
peace be made. 


These two articles are not in the barrier treaty, but two 
others in their stead; to which I refer the reader. And 
indeed it was highly necessary for the Dutch to strike out the 
former of these articles, when so great a part of the treaty is so 
highly and manifestly prejudicial to Great Britain, as well as 
to the King of Spain ; especially the two articles inserted in 
the place of these, which I desire the reader will examine. 

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And whereas by the 5th and 9th articles of the alliance 
between the emperor, the late King of Great Britain, and 
the States General, concluded the 7th of September, 1701 ; 
it is agreed and stipulated, That the kingdoms of Naples and 
Sicily, with all the dependencies of the crown of Spain in 
Italy, shall be recovered from the possession of France, as 
being of the last consequence to the trade of both nations, 
as well as the Spanish Netherlands, for a barrier for the 
States General ; therefore the said Queen of Great Britain, 
and the States General, agree and oblige themselves, not to 
enter into any negotiation or treaty of peace with France, 
before the restitution of the said kingdoms of Naples and 
Sicily, with all the dependencies of the crown of Spain in 
Italy, as well as the Spanish Low Countries, with the other 
towns and places in the possession of France, above-men- 
tioned in this treaty ; and also after the manner specified 
in this treaty ; as likewise all the rest of the entire monarchy 
of Spain, be yielded by France as a preliminary. 


And whereas experience hath shewn of what importance 
it is to Great Britain and the United Provinces, that the 
fortress and port of Dunkirk should not be in the possession 
of France, in the condition they are at present ; the subjects 
of both nations having undergone such great losses, and 
suffered so much in their trade, by the prizes taken from 
them by privateers set out in that port ; insomuch that 
France, by her immeasurable ambition, may be always 
tempted to make some enterprises upon the territories of the 
Queen of Great Britain and their high mightinesses, and inter- 
rupt the public repose and tranquillity ; for the preservation 
of which, and the balance of Europe against the exorbi- 
tant power of France, the allies engaged themselves in this 
long and burthensome war; therefore the said Queen of 
Great Britain, and their high mightinesses agree and oblige 
themselves, not to enter into any negotiation or treaty of 
peace with France, before it shall be yielded and stipulated 

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by France as a preliminary, that all the fortifications 
of the said town of Dunkirk, and the forts that depend upon 
it, be entirely demolished and rased, and that the port be 
entirely ruined, and rendered impracticable. 


These two articles are likewise omitted in the barrier 
treaty ; whereof the first regards particularly the interests of 
the house of Austria ; and the other about demolishing of 
Dunkirk, those of Great Britain. It is something strange, 
that the late ministry ', whose advocates raise such a clamour 
about the necessity of recovering Spain from the house of 
Bourbon, should suffer the Dutch to strike out this article ; 
which, I think, clearly shows, the reason why the States never 
troubled themselves with the thoughts of reducing Spain, or 
even recovering Milan, Naples, and Sicily, to the emperor ; 
but were wholly fixed upon the conquest of Flanders, because 
they had determined those provinces as a property for them- 

As for the article about demolishing of Dunkirk, I am not 
at all surprised to find it struck out; the destruction of that 
place, though it would be useful to the States, doth more nearly 
import Britain, and was therefore a point that such ministers 
could more easily get over. 

Jhe Sentiments of Prince Eugene of Savoy, and of the Count 
4e Sinzendorf, relating to the Barrier of the States 
General, to the Upper Quarter of Guelder, and to the 
Towns of the Electorate of Cologne, and of the Bishopric of 

Although the orders and instructions of the courts of 
Vienna and Barcelona, upon the matters above-mentioned, 
do not go so far, as to give directions for what follows ; not- 
withstanding, the prince and count above-mentioned, con- 
sidering the present state of affairs, are of the following 
opinion : 

First, That the counter-project of England, relating to 
the places where the States General may put and keep 
garrisons, ought to be followed, except Lierre, Hal to fortify 

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and the Castle of Ghent. Provided likewise, that the senti- 
ments of England be particularly conformed to, relating to 
Dendermonde and Ostend, as places in no wise belonging to 
the barrier ; and which, as well as the Castle of Ghent, can 
only serve to make the States General masters of the Low 
Countries, and hinder trade with England. And as to 
Lierre and Hal, those who are acquainted with the country, 
know, that these towns cannot give any security to the 
States General, but can only make people believe that these 
places being fortified, would rather serve to block up 
Brussels, and the other great cities of Brabant. 

Secondly ', As to what is said in the seventh article of the 
counter-project of England, relating to the augmentation of 
garrisons, in the towns of the barrier, in case of an open war ; 
this is agreeable to the opinions of the said prince and count ; 
who think likewise, that there ought to be added to the 
eighth article, That no goods or merchandise should be sent 
into the towns where the States General shall have garrisons, 
nor be comprehended under the names of " such things, as 
the said garrisons and fortifications shall have need of : " 
And that to this end, the said things shall be inspected in 
those places where they are to pass ; as likewise, the quantity 
shall be settled that the garrisons may want. 

Thirdly ', As to the ninth article, relating to the governors 
and commanders of those towns, forts and places, where the 
States General shall have their garrisons, the said prince and 
count are of opinion, That the said governors and com- 
manders ought to take an oath, as well to the King of Spain, 
as to the States General : But they may take a particular 
oath to the latter, That they will not admit foreign troops 
without their consent, and that they will depend exclusively 
upon the said States, in whatever regards the military power. 
But at the same time they ought exclusively to promise the 
King of Spain, That they will not intermeddle in the affairs 
of law, civil power, revenues, or any other matters, eccle- 
siastical or civil, unless at the desire of the king's officers, 
to assist them in the execution : In which case the said 
commanders should be obliged not to refuse them. 

Fourthly \ As to the tenth article, there is nothing to be 
added, unless that the States General, may repair and 
increase the fortifications of the towns, places and forts, 

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where they shall have their garrisons ; but this at their own 
expense. Otherwise, under that pretext, they might seize all 
the revenues of the country. 

Fifthly ', As to the eleventh article, they think the States 
ought not to have the revenues of the chatellanies and 
dependencies of these towns and places which are to be 
their barrier against France ; this being a sort of sovereignty, 
and very prejudicial to the ecclesiastical and civil economy 
of the country. But the said prince and count are of 
opinion, That the States General ought to have, for the 
maintenance of their garrisons and fortifications, a sum of 
money of a million and half, or two millions of florins, which 
they ought to receive from the king's officers, who shall be 
ordered to pay that sum, before any other payment 

Sixthly ', And the convention which shall be made, on this 
affair, between his Catholic Majesty and the States General, 
shall be for a limited time. 

These are the utmost conditions to which the said prince 
and count think it possible for his Catholic Majesty to be 
brought; and they declare at the same time, that their 
Imperial and Catholic Majesties will sooner abandon the 
Low Countries, than take upon them other conditions, which 
would be equally expensive, shameful, and unacceptable to 

On the other side, the said prince and count are per- 
suaded, That the advantages at this time yielded to the 
States General, may hereafter be very prejudicial to them- 
selves, forasmuch as they may put the people of the Spanish 
Netherlands to some dangerous extremity, considering the 
antipathy between the two nations ; and that extending of 
frontiers, is entirely contrary to the maxims of their govern- 

As to the upper quarter of Guelder, the said prince and 
count are of opinion, That the States General may be allowed 
the power of putting in garrisons into Venlo, Roermond, and 
Steevensweert, with orders to furnish the said States, with the 
revenues of the country, which amount to one hundred 
thousand florins. 

As to Bonn, belonging to the Electorate of Cologne 
and Liige, and Huy, to the Bishopric of Li&ge ; it is to be 
understood that these being imperial towns, it doth not 

v. M 

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depend upon the emperor to consent, that foreign garrisons 
should be placed in them, upon any pretence whatsoever. 
But whereas the States General demand them only for their 
security, it is proposed, to place in those towns a garrison of 
imperial troops, of whom the States may be in no suspicion, 
as they might be of a garrison of an elector, who might 
possibly have views opposite to their interests : But this is 
proposed only in case that it shall not be thought more 
proper to rase one or other of the said towns. 

The Representation of the English Merchants at 
Bruges, relating to the Barrier Treaty. 

David White, and other Merchants, Her Majesty's Subjects 
residing at Bruges, and other Towns in Flanders, crave 
leave humbly to represent, 

That whereas the cities of Lille, Tournay, Menin, Douay, 
and other new conquests in Flanders and Artois, taken from 
the French this war, by the united forces of Her Majesty and 
her allies, are now become entirely under the government of 
the States General ; and that we Her Majesty's subjects may 
be made liable to such duties and impositions on trade, as 
the said States General shall think fit to impose on us : We 
humbly hope and conceive, That it is Her Majesty's inten- 
tion and design that the trade of her dominions and subjects, 
which is carried on with these new conquests, may be on an 
equal foot with that of the subjects and dominions of the States 
General, and not be liable to any new duty, when transported 
from the Spanish Netherlands, to the said new conquests, as 
to our great surprise is exacted from us on the following 
goods, viz. butter, tallow, salmon, hides, beef, and all other 
product of Her Majesty's dominions, which we import at 
Ostend, and there pay the duty of entry to the King of Spain, 
and consequently ought not to be liable to any new duty, 
when they carry the same goods, and all others from their 
dominions, by a free pass or transire, to the said new con- 
quests : And we are under apprehension that if the said new 
conquests be settled or given entirely into the possession of 
the States General for their barrier, (as we are made believe 

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by a treaty lately made by Her Majesty's ambassador, the 
Lord Viscount Townshend, at the Hague) that the said 
States General may also soon declare all goods and mer- 
chandises which are contraband in their provinces, to be 
also contraband or prohibited in these new conquests, or 
new barrier, by which Her Majesty's subjects will be 
deprived of the sale and consumption of the following 
products of Her Majesty's dominions, which are, and have 
long been, declared contraband in the United Provinces, 
such as English and Scotch salt, malt spirits or corn brandy, 
and all other sorts of distilled English spirits, whale and rape 
oil, &c. It is therefore humbly conceived, That Her 
Majesty, out df her great care and gracious concern for the 
benefit of her subjects and dominions, may be pleased to 
direct, by a treaty of commerce or some other way, that their 
trade may be put on an equal foot in all the Spanish Nether- 
lands, and the new conquests or barrier, with the subjects of 
Holland, by paying no other duty than that of importation to 
the King of Spain ; and by a provision, that no product of 
' Her Majesty's dominions shall ever be declared contraband 
in these new conquests, except such goods as were esteemed 
contraband before the death of Charles II. King of Spain. 
And it is also humbly prayed, That the product and manu- 
facture of the new conquests may also be exported without 
paying any new duty, besides that of exportation at Ostend, 
which was always paid to the King of Spain ; it being im- 
possible for any nation in Europe to assort an entire cargo 
for the Spanish West Indies, without a considerable quantity 
of several of the manufactures of Lille, such as caradoros, 
cajant, picoses, boratten, and many other goods, &c. 

The chief things to be demanded of France are, To be 
exempted from tonnage, to have a liberty of importing 
herrings and all other fish to France, on the same terms as 
the Dutch do, and as was agreed by them at the treaty of 
commerce immediately after the treaty of peace at Ryswyck. 
The enlarging Her Majesty's plantations in America, &c. is 
naturally recommended. 

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" Nihil est aliud in fcedere, nisi ut pia et aeterna pax sit." 

Cicero pro C. Balbo. 

I BEGIN to think, that though perhaps there may be 
several very exact maps of Great Britain to be had at the 
shops in Amsterdam or the Hague, and some shining genii 
in that country can, it may be, look out the most remarkable 
places in our island, especially those upon the sea-coast, or 
near it, as Portsmouth, Chatham, Torbay, and the like ; yet 
it is highly necessary, that " Chamberlayne's Present State, " 2 
or some other good book of that sort, were carefully trans- 
lated into Dutch, in usum illustrissimorum ordinum, or with 
any other sounding and pompous title, only signifying, that 
it was done for the use of our good allies, and to set them 
right in the nature of our government, constitution and laws ; 
with which they do not appear to be so well acquainted as 
might be expected. I am sensible, that as things now stand, 

1 " I gave the 'Examiner* a hint about this prorogation; and to 
praise the queen for her tenderness to the Dutch, in giving them still 
more time to submit. It suited the occasion at present." — "Journal 
to Stella," January 15th, 17 12-17 13. 

This Appendix is reprinted from No. 16 of the " Examiner." T. S.] 

2 " Angliae Notitia : or, the Present State of England." By Edward 
Chamberlayne, 1669. Continued by John Chambertayne, 1704. [T. S.] 

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if a manifesto or memorial should be sent them, humbly re- 
presenting to their high mightinesses, That Great Britain is 
an independent monarchy, governed by its own laws : That 
the Queen is supreme over all orders of the realm : That no 
other prince, prelate, state or potentate, hath, or ought to 
have any authority and jurisdiction over us : That where the 
queen, lords and commons, solemnly consent, it is a law; 
and where the collective body of the people agree, it is the 
sense of the nation : That the making war and peace is the 
prerogative of the crown ; and, that all alliances are to be 
observed only so far as they answer the ends for which they 
were made : In such a case, 'tis not unlikely, but the Am- 
sterdam Gazette, or some other paper in the Seven Provinces, 
would immediately answer all this by publicly protesting, 
that it came from the Jacobites and Frenchified highfliers, 
and therefore ought not to be admitted as genuine : For of 
late that celebrated writer, and two or three of his seconds, 
have undertaken to tell us poor Britons, who are our best 
subjects, and how we ought to behave ourselves towards our 
allies. So that in this unhappy juncture, I do not see when 
we shall come to a right understanding. On the other hand, 
suppose we agreed to give them the precedence, and left the 
first proposal for overtures of accommodation to their 
management; this perhaps might quickly bring us to be 
better acquainted. Let them therefore lay aside all clumsy 
pretences to address ; tell us no more of former battles, 
sieges and glories ; nor make love to us in prose, and extol 
our beauty, our fortune, and their own passion for us, to the 
stars : But let them come roundly to the business, and in 
plain terms give us to understand, that they will not recog- 
nize any other government in Great Britain, but Whigarchy 
only : That they treated with us as such, and are not obliged 
to acknowledge an usurped power called a monarchy, to 
which they are utter strangers : That they have a just demand 
upon us ever since the Revolution ; which is a precedent for 
their interposing, whenever popery and arbitrary power are 
coming in upon us, which at present, they are informed by 
their friends, is our case : And besides they are advised by 
able counsel, that we are only tenants for life, and they being 
mentioned in the entail, are obliged to have a watchful eye 
over us, and to see that neither waste nor dilapidation be 

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done upon the premises. If all this be not the case, and a 
true state of the controversy, as I heartily hope it is not, I 
leave any rational creature, pick him where you will between 
the Danube and Ganges, to judge of the following remon- 

A war is undertaken by several potentates in conjunction, 
upon certain causes and conditions, plainly expressed in a 
writing called " The Grand Alliance." This war is carried 
on with success ; the enemy offers to treat, and proposes to 
satisfy all the just demands of the several parties engaged 
against them. Great Britain makes her claim, so doth 
Portugal ; and both are fully satisfied. The Dutch produce 
their barrier of Gertruydenberg, and are assured they shall 
have it, except two or three places at most. Savoy and 
Prussia have more than ever they asked. Only the emperor 
will have all Spain, contrary to the reasons upon which his 
brother's renunciation was founded, and in direct violation 
of a fundamental maxim, " The balance of power ; " so that 
he would involve us in a second war, and a new " Grand 
Alliance," under pretence of observing the old one. This, 
in short, is the case; and yet, after all the bloodshed, 
expense and labour, to compass these great ends, though 
Her Britannic Majesty finds by experience that every poten- 
tate in the Grand Alliance, except herself, has actually broke 
it every year ; though she stands possessed of an undoubted 
right to make peace and war ; though she has procured for, 
her allies all that she was obliged to by treaty ; though her 
two houses of parliament humbly entreat her to finish the 
great work ; though her people with one voice admire and 
congratulate the wise steps she has taken, and cry loud to 
her to defer their happiness no longer ; though some of the 
allies, and one or two of the provinces have declared for 
peace, and Her Majesty's domestic enemies dread it, as the 
utter downfall of their faction ; yet still the blessing depends, 
and expectation is our lot. The menacing pensionary x has 
scruples ; he desires time to look out for something else to 
demand : There are a dozen or two of petty princes, who 
want silk stockings, and lace round their hats ; we must stay 
till the second part of Denain comes upon the stage, and 

1 Pensionary Heinsius. [T. S.] 

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Squire South promises to go directly to Madrid, the next 
time we shew him the way thither. 1 

Her Majesty is all goodness and tenderness to her people 
and her allies. A brighter example of piety could not 
adorn the life of her royal grandfather, whose solemn 
anniversary we must shortly celebrate. She has now pro- 
rogued the best parliament that ever assembled in her 
reign, and respited her own glory, and the wishes, prayers, 
and wants of her people, only to give some of her allies an 
opportunity to think of the returns they owe her, and try if 
there be such a thing as gratitude, justice, or humanity in 
Europe. This conduct of Her Majesty is without parallel. 
Never was so great a condescension made to the unreason- 
able clamours of an insolent faction, now dwindled to the 
most contemptible circumstances. It is certainly high time 
they should begin to meditate other measures, unless they 
vainly imagine the government must part with both its attri- 
butes of mercy and justice, till they are pleased to be dutiful 
and obedient. What ill-grounded hopes and expectations 
they have underhand administered to any of the allies, is not 
worth my while to enquire ; since whatever they are, they 
must come attended with the blackest treason and ingrati- 
tude. The Dutch have the least reason in the world to rely 
on such a broken reed ; and after having solemnly promised 
to conform themselves to Her Majesty's wisdom, and depend 
on her conduct, which is the language of their latest pro- 
fessions ; such clandestine management would fully deserve 
all those appellations, with which the writings of the Whigs 
are so richly embellished. 

After all, when Her Majesty and her subjects have waited 
one period more, and affixed a new date to their wishes and 
their patience; since peace is the only end of every alliance, 
and since all that we fought for is yielded up by the enemy, 
in justice to her prerogative, to her parliament, and her 
people, the desirable blessing will, no doubt, be reached out 
to us : Oijr happiness will not be put off, till they, who have 
ill-will at us, can find time and power to prevent it. All that 
a stubborn ally can then expect, is time to come in, and 
accept those terms which himself once thought reasonable. 

1 See Arbuthnot's " The History of John Bull." [T. S.] 

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The present age will soon taste the sweets of such conduct, 
and posterity as highly applaud it Only they, who now rail 
and calumniate, will do so still, and who are disposed to give 
every thing the same treatment which makes for our safety 
and welfare, and spoils their game of disorder and confusion. 
Tis true, the present stagnation of affairs is accounted for 
another way ; and the party give out, that France begins to 
draw back, and would explain several articles upon us : But 
the authors of this forgery know very well I do not miscall 
it ; and are conscious to the criminal reasons, why it is with 
so much industry bandied about. France rather enlarges 
her offers, than abates or recedes from them : So happy are 
we, in finding our most inveterate and ungenerous enemies 
within our own bowels ! The Whigs, according to custom, 
may chuckle and solace themselves with the visionary hopes 
of coming mischief, and imagine they are grown formidable, 
because they are to be humoured in their extravagancies, 
and to be paid for their perverseness. Let them go on to 
glory in their projected schemes of government, and the 
blessed effects they have produced in the world. Twas not 
enough for them to make obedience the duty of the sove- 
reign, but this obedience must at length be made passive ; 
and that non-resistance may not wholly vanish from among 
the virtues, since the subject is weary of it, they would fairly 
make it over to their monarch. The compact between 
prince and people is supposed to be mutual; but grand 
alliances are, it seems, of another nature ; a failure in one 
party does not disengage the rest; they are tied up and 
entangled, so long as any one confederate adheres to the 
negative ; whilst we are not allowed to make use of the 
Polish argument, and plead Non loquitur. But these artifices 
are too thin to hold: They are the cobwebs which the 
faction have spun out of the last dregs of their poison, made 
to be swept away with the unnecessary animals who con- 
trived them. Their tyranny is at an end ; and their ruin 
very near : I can only advise them to become their fall, like 
Caesar, and " die with decency." 

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Dr. Francis Hare (1671-1740) was bom in London, and educated at 
Eton and at King's College, Cambridge. He was Chaplain-General 
to the Queen's forces during the war in Flanders, was made Dean of 
Worcester and of St. Paul's; and, in 1727, created Bishop of St. Asaph, 
from whence he was translated, in 173 1, to the see of Chichester. He 
died April 26th, 1740. He wrote a few tracts against Bishop Hoadly; 
and for his share in this Bangorian controversy he was dismissed his 
royal chaplaincy. He made a bitter enemy of his old friend Bentley by 
forestalling him in an edition of " Terence," annotated with notes ob- 
tained largely from that learned librarian. 

Cole thus sums up Hare's character : " That the bishop was of a sharp 
and piercing wit, of great judgment and understanding in worldly 
matters, and of no less sagacity and penetration in matters of learning, 
and especially of criticism, is sufficiently evident from the works he has 
left behind him ; but that he was of a sour and crabbed disposition is 
equally manifest." 

As chaplain to the Duke of Marlborough he preached a sermon, on a 
day of thanksgiving for crossing the lines at Bouchain, in which he 
descanted on the war and the dangers of a premature peace. The 
sermon was published with the title : " The Charge of God to Joshua : 
in a Sermon Preached before his Grace the Duke of Marlborough at 
Avenes le Sec, September 9, 171 1, being the Day of Thanksgiving for 
passing the Lines, and taking Bouchain. 

Swift, naturally, took the sermon in hand ; but whether he wrote 
the " Learned Comment " in reply, or suggested the lines of its com- 
position to Mrs. Manley, is not certain. In his letter to Stella, under 
date November 3rd, 171 1, he writes : "Comment on Hare's Sermon, 
by the same woman [the author of the * Atalantis '] ; only hints sent to 
the printer from Presto, to {give her." But this statement counts for 
little when the " Comment " is carefully read. We agree with Scott, 
who suggests a comparison between it and the " Preface to the Bishop 
of Sarum's Introduction," and considers it to be in many passages not 
inferior to the latter in poignancy. In a previous letter to Stella (October 
22nd, 1711)9 Swift speaks of having either written or contributed to 
the writing of five pamphlets, " except the best, which is the ' Vin- 
dication of the Duke of Marlborough,' and is entirely by the author of 
the 'Atalantis.'" 

If Mrs. Manley had any second inspirer it was Bolingbroke. Hare's 
sermon and his pamphlet on " Bouchain ; or, a Dialogue between the 
Medley and the Examiner," which followed it, were regarded by the 


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Secretary as Marlborough's opinions. In a letter which Bolingbroke 
wrote, with the knowledge that the Duke might read it, he remarks: 
" My Lord Marlborough^ stupid chaplain continues to spoil paper. 
They had best, for their patron's sake, as well as their own, be quiet, I 
know how to set them in the pillory, and how to revile fellows that will 
write them to the devil." The "Vindication," which Swift considers 
the best of these attacks on Marlborough, and as entirely by Mrs. 
Manley, was the outcome of Bolingbroke^ inspiration. 

Swift also gave suggestions to Mrs. Manley tor the writing of " A True 
Narrative of what passed at the Examination of the Marquis de Guis- 
card," 1711, and "A True Relation of the Intended Riot and Tumult 
on Queen Elizabeth's Birthday," 171 1. His share, however, in both 
these pamphlets is so small, that I have omitted them from this collec- 
tion of Swift's writings. 

With reference to the former of these two tracts, Swift writes to 
Stella, April 16. 171 1 ; " what you will read in the narrative I ordered 
to be written.'' In the " Memoirs relating to the Change in the 
Queen's Ministry," he states that he furnished some materials to the 
editor. Later he told Stella that "the facts were sent by Presto" 

His reference to the second tract is in the Journal to Stella, under 
date, November 26, 171 1 — " I have put an understrapper upon writing 
a two penny pamphlet, to give an account of the whole design." 

The " Learned Comment," so far as Swift's own statement of author- 
ship is concerned, is on a same footing with these two tracts ; but on in- 
ternal evidence it points to a more lively and personal interest than his 
words imply. For this reason it has been included here. The text 
given is that of the first edition, collated with that given by Scott. 

[T. S.1 


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Learned Comment 



Preach'd before the 

D. of Marlborough, 

On the Surrender of 


"By an Enemy to TEACE. 

Et multis utile Helium. 


Printed for John Morphmc, :*ear Statio- 
ners-Hall. 1 7 1 1 . ( Price id.) 

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HAVE been so well entertained by reading Dr. Hare's 
sermon, preached before the Duke of Marlborough and 
the army, in way of thanksgiving for passing the lines and 
taking Bouchain, that I can't forbear giving part of my 
thoughts thereupon to the public. If a colonel had been to 
preach at the head of his regiment, I believe he would have 
made just such a sermon; which, before I begin with, I 
must beg leave to consider the preface, and that stale topic 
in the publisher, of printing a "discourse without the author's 
leave, by a copy got from a friend ; being himself so modest, 
that he would by no means hear of printing what wa§ drawn 
up in so much haste." If the thing be not worth publishing, 
either the author is a fool, or his friend a knave. Besides, 
the apology seems very needless for one that has so often 
been complimented upon his productions ; of which we have 
seen several without either art or care, though published with 
this famous doctor's consent. A good argument, indeed, is 
not the worse for being without art or care, but an ill one is 
nothing without both. If plainness and honesty made 
amends for every hasty foolish composition, we should never 
have an end, and every dunce that blotted paper would have 
the same plea. But the good doctor's zeal for the continua- 
tion of the war, must atone for the rest of his defects : His 
politics and his divinity seem to be much of a size ; there is 
no more of the last in his sermon, than what is to be found 
in the text ; he is so great an enemy to a partition, that he 
scorns to divide even that 

He begins, p. 5, 1 " I can't but think, that one of the 

1 These references are to the original edition of Hare's sermon, pub- 
lished in 171 1. In Scott's edition they are to the fourth volume of the 


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properest acknowledgments to God for the manifest tokens 
we receive of His good providence, is to consider their 
natural tendency, and what is the true use which He has put 
into our power to make of them." May we not very well 
query whether this be sense or truth ? The properest acknow- 
ledgments to God for the manifest tokens, &c. is to offer 
Him thanks and praise, and obey His laws. P. 6. " Per- 
severe bravely in the just and necessary war we are engaged in, 
till we can obtain such a peace, as the many successes He 
has given us naturally lead to, and by the continuance of the 
Divine Favour must end in, if we be content to wait His 
leisure, and are not by our impatience and misgiving fears, 
wanting to ourselves." At this rate when must we expect a 
peace ? May we not justly enquire, Whether it be God's, or 
the Duke of Marlborough's leisure, he would have us wait ? 
He is there in an army well paid, sees nothing but plenty, 
nay profuseness in the great officers, and riches in the general 
Profuseness, when they every day in their turns receive the 
honour of his grace's company to dinner with them : At that 
sumptuous table which his grace once a week provides for 
himself and them, the good doctor never considers what we 
suffer at home, or how long we shall be able to find them 
money to support their magnificence. I should think the 
Queen and ministry, next under God, the best judges what 
peace we ought to make. If by our impatience he meant 
the army, it was needless and absurd ; if he meant our im- 
patience here at home, being so far removed from the scene, 
and in quite another view, he can be no judge of that 1 

P. 7. " One would think a people, who by such a train of 
wonderful successes, were now brought to the very banks of 
Jordan, could not be so fearful as to stop there, or doubt 
with themselves, whether or no they should try to pass the 
river, (quere Senset or Scheldt) and get possession of the 
land which God had promised them ; that they could, with 
their own eyes, take a view of it (applied to Picardy) and 
behold it was exceeding good," &c. Our case and the 
Israelites is very different : What they conquered they got 
for themselves ; we take a view of the land, as they did, and, 

bishop's works (1746) ; but Scott reprinted Nichols's text, whereas the 

text of the " Comment " here given is that of the original issue. [T. S.] 

1 Because he was with the army, and its chaplain-general. (T. SI] 

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"behold it to be exceeding good," but good for others : If 
Joshua had spent many years in conquering the Amor- 
ites (with the loss of infinite blood and treasure) and 
then delivered the land over to the Gibeonites, the Israelites 
might have had good reason to murmur ; and that has been 
our case. P. 7. " It seems incredible, that men should for 
many years together struggle with the greatest difficulties, 
and successfully go through innumerable dangers, in pursuit 
of a noble end, an end worthy of all the pains and trouble 
they are at, and yet lose their courage as they gain ground," 
&c. Though this be a falsity, yet to lose courage as we gain 
ground, may very probably happen, if we squander our 
courage by the yard, and gain ground by the inch. 

P. 7. " Of all the virtues human nature would aspire to, 
constancy seems to be that 'tis least made for : A steady 
pursuit of the same end for any long time together, has 
something in it that looks like immortality " (hath not this 
flight something in it that looks like nonsense ?) " and seems 
to be above the reach of mortal man." How does a steady 
pursuit look like immortality ? If it looks like immortality, 
it certainly " seems to be above the reach of mortal men." 
P. 8. " The earth we live on, the air we breathe, the nourish- 
ment we take, every thing about us is by nature subject to 
continual change ; our bodies themselves are in a perpetual 
flux, and not a moment together the same they were. What 
place then can there be for a constant steady principle of 
action amidst so much inconstancy ? " If these reasons were 
true, it would be impossible not to be inconstant : With this 
old beaten trash of a flux, he might go on a hundred pages 
on the same subject, without producing any thing new : It is 
a wonder we had not the grave observation, That nothing is 
constant but inconstancy. What does all this end in ? His 
first heat and edge shows us indeed a flux of what we did not 

P. 9. " And though the end we aim at be the same it was, 
and certainly nearer." This puts me in mind of a divine, 
who preaching on the day of judgment, said, " There was one 
thing he would be bold to affirm, That the day of judgment 
was nearer now, than ever it was since the beginning of the 
world : " So the war is certainly nearer an end to-day than it 
was yesterday, though it does not end these twenty years. 

V. N 

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P. 9. "Such fickle, inconstant, irresolute creatures are we 
in the midst of our bravest resolutions, when we set out we 
seem to look at what we are aiming at, through that end of 
the perspective that magnifies the object, and it brings it 
nearer to us ; but when we are got some way, before we are 
aware we turn the glass, and looking through the little end, 
what we are pursuing seems to be at a vast distance, and 
dwindled almost into nothing." This is strange reasoning. 
Where does his instrument-maker live ? We may have the 
same constancy, the same desire to pursue a thing, and yet 
not the same abilities : For example, In hunting many 
accidents happen ; you grow weary, your horse falls lame, 
or in leaping a hedge throws you ; you have the same reason 
to pursue the game, but not the same ability. 

P. 10. "Their zeal perhaps flames at first, but 'tis the 
flame of straw, it has not strength to last. When the multi- 
tude once begin to be weary and indifferent, how easily are 
they then seduced into false measures ! How readily do 
they give into suspicions against those who would encourage 
them to persevere, while they are fond of others, who to serve 
themselves, fall in with their complaints, but at the bottom 
mean nothing but their own interest." How base and false 
soever this reproach be, I have set it almost at length, that 
I may not be charged with unfair quotation. By the com- 
pany the doctor keeps, and the patrons he has chosen, I 
should think him an undoubted judge when people mean 
their own interest ; but that I know, conversing only on one 
side, generally gives our thoughts the same turn ; just as the 
jaundice makes those that have it, think all things yellow. 
This writer is prejudiced, and looks upon the rest of the 
world to be as self-interested, as those persons from whom 
he has taken his observation. But if he means the present 
ministry, it is certain they could find their own interest in 
continuing the war as well as other people ; their capacities 
are not less, nor their fortunes so great, neither need they be 
at a loss how to follow in a path so well beaten. Were they 
thus inclined, the way is open before them, the means that 
enriched their predecessors, gave them a pretence to continue 
in power, and made them almost necessary evils to the state, 
are now no longer a secret. Did their successors study 
their own interest with the same zeal, as they do that of 

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the public, we should not have the dbctor in these agonies 
for fear of a peace, things would be then as he would have 
them ; it would be no longer a flame of straw, but a solid 
fire, likely to last as long as his poor countrymen had any 
materials to feed it : But I wonder he would talk of those 
who mean their own interest, in such an audience, especially 
"before those "who fall in with their complaints," unless he 
had given it quite another turn, and bestowed some of his 
eloquence in showing what he really thinks, that nothing in 
nature, is so eligible as self-interest, though purchased at the 
price of a lasting war, the blood and treasure of his fellow- 
subjects, and the weal of his native country. 

P. 11. "This is a misfortune, which free assemblies, and 
popular or mixed governments, are almost unavoidably ex- 
posed to; and 'tis for this reason, so few nations have 
ever steadily pursued, for any long time, the measures at 
first resolved on, were they never so right and just; and 
'tis for the same reason, that a single power seldom fails 
at long run to be too hard for a confederacy." A very 
good argument for this war, a good overture and warning, 
to make a general for life : It is an excellent panegyric 
upon arbitrary power ; at this rate the French king is sure 
to get the better at last. This preacher must certainly be 
an admirable judge of popular assemblies, by living in an 
army. Such poor writers get a rote and common place 
of talking, by reading pamphlets, and from thence presume 
to make general observations upon government, and set up 
for statesmen. If the Duke of Marlborough be Moses, what 
promised land is he bringing us to, unless this sermon be 
preached only to the Dutch? He may have promised 
them land, and they him something else, and both been 
as good as their words. In his allegory of the people 
brought out of Egypt, does the doctor mean our army? 
The parallel must then be drawn to make the war last 
forty years, or else it can be no parallel : We may easily 
see how near the comparison grows. Moses was accused 
by certain Israelites; " Is it a small thing," say they, "that 
thou hast brought us out of a land that floweth with milk 
and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make 
thyself altogether a prince over us?" Hath the Duke of 
Marlborough been suspected of any such design ? Moses 

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was wroth, and said unto the Lord, "Respect not their 
offerings, I have not taken one ass from them, neither 
have I hurt one of them." And to the same purpose Samuel, 
" Whose ox have I taken ? or whose ass have I taken ? or 
whom have I defrauded? whom have I oppressed? or of 
whose hand have I received any bribe," &c. Does the 
British Moses speak thus to the people ? Is there any sort 
of agreement between them? Nor are we sure of God's 
commands to go up against the Amorites (p. 13), as the 
Israelites were, and we have fifty times more reason to 
murmur. They were carried from the wilderness, " into a 
land flowing with milk and honey ; " we from such a land 
into the wilderness, that is poverty and misery, and are 
like to be kept in the wilderness till this generation and 
the next too are consumed, by mortgages, anticipations, &c. 
Ibid. Where the doctor says, " The country itself, was much 
too narrow for them," he must certainly mean the Dutch, 
who never think their frontiers can be too much extended. 

The doctor tells us, p. 15, "The justice and necessity of 
our cause, is little short of the force of a command : " Does 
God command to fight, because the chaplain-general will 
have no peace? He asks, "What is bidding us go on, if 
our successes are not ? " At this rate, whenever any new 
success is gained, or a town taken, no peace must be made. 
The whole exhortation against peace, which follows, is very 
proper for the chaplain of an army ; it looks like another 
Essay of the Management of the War. " These successes 
have generally been so much wanted and so little expected." 
If we have been ten years at this vast expense, getting suc- 
cesses that we could not expect, we were mad to begin this 
war, which hath ruined us with all this success. But why 
this acclamation ? Is taking one small town such great suc- 
cess, as points out to us the finger of God? Who is his 
God? I believe the general has no little share in his 
thoughts, as well as the present ministry, though upon a 
quite different consideration. " The clouds have never this 
war thickened more, or looked blacker than this year (p. 1 7) : 
Things looked so black on every side, as not to leave us 
the faintest glimpse of light, we apprehended nothing less 
than the dissolution of the alliance." Whatever the doctor 
may be for a preacher, he has proved but an indifferent 

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prophet The general and army may be obliged to him 
for the dissipation of these clouds, though the ministry are 
not : Were they the cause that such clouds gathered, " as 
made him fear an universal storm, which could no way 
be fenced against?" To hear him run on in praise of 
the wonders of this campaign, one would scarce* believe 
he was speaking to those very persons who had formerly 
gained such memorable victories, and taken towns of so 
much greater importance than Bouchain. Had the French 
no lines before? I thought Mons, Lille, &c. had been 
once esteemed considerable places; but this is his youngest 
child, he does like most mothers, when they are past the 
hopes of more, they doat upon the youngest, though not 
so healthy, nor praiseworthy, as the rest of the brethren. 
Is it our fault, that " three of the princes in alliance with 
us resolve to recall their troops?" (P. 19.) We brought 
our quotas^ if our allies did not, by whose indulgence was it, 
that some of them have not been pressed more closely upon 
that head, or rather have been left to do as they please ? It 
is no matter how hard a bargain people pretend to make, if 
they are not tied to the performance. 

P. 18. If "the enemy are stronger than they were," how 
are we so near our great hopes, the promised land ? The 
affectation of eloquence, which carries the doctor away by a 
tide of words, makes him contradict himself, and betray his 
own argument. Yet by all those expressions, we can only 
find, that whatever success we have, must be miraculous; 
he says, p. 19, " we must trust to miracles for our success," l 
which as I take it is to tempt God : Though, p. 20, he 
thinks, "the most fearful cannot doubt of God's continu- 
ance." We have had miraculous success these nine years 
by his own account, and this year, he owns, we "should 
have been all undone without a new miracle, black clouds, 
&c. hanging over our heads ; " and why may not our sins 
provoke God to forsake us, and bring the black clouds 
again? Greater sins than our inconstancy! avarice, am- 
bition, disloyalty, corruption, pride, drunkenness, gaming, 
profaneness, blasphemy, ignorance, and all other immorali- 
ties and irreligion ! These are certainly much greater sins, 

1 Dr. Hare did not say so. Swift garbles his quotations from Hare's 
sermon in this paragraph. [T. S.] 

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and whether found in a court, or in a camp, much likelier 
to provoke God's anger, than inconstancy. " If we have 
not patience to wait till He has finished by gradual steps 
this great work, in such a manner as He in His infinite 
wisdom shall think fit.' 1 I desire the doctor would explain 
himself upon the business of gradual steps, whether three 
and twenty years longer will do, or what time he thinks the 
general and himself may live ; I suppose he does not desire 
his gradual steps should exceed their date, as fond as he 
seems of miracles; I believe he is willing enough they 
should be confined to his grace's life, and his own. 

What does he mean, p. 21, by "the natural and moral 
consequences that must lead us?" If those moral con- 
sequences are consequences upon our morals, they are 
very small. "Whatever reason there can be for putting 
an end to the war but a good one, was a stronger reason 
against beginning it." Right! so far we allow: "And 
yet those very reasons that make us in so much haste 
to end it, shew the necessity there was for entering into 
it." I am in mighty hope to get out of a squabble, and 
therefore I had reason to get into it; generally the con- 
trary is true. " What condition should we have now been 
in, had we tamely let that prodigious power settle and 
confirm itself without dispute?" It could never settle and 
confirm itself but by a war. P. 22. "Did we not go into the 
war in hopes of success?" The greatest argument for 
going on with the war, is that we may have more success. 
According to the doctrine laid down by our author, we 
must never be inclined to peace till we lose a battle ; every 
victory ought to be a motive to continue the war. Upon 
this principle, I suppose a peace was refused after the battle 
of Ramillies. " How can we doubt that we shall not still suc- 
ceed, or that an enemy that grows every day weaker and 
weaker," &c. The doctor's zeal overbears his memory: 
Just now the enemy was stronger than ever. P. 23. " If 
we consider that our strength is from God," &c. Though 
all men ought to trust in God, yet our Saviour tells us, 
we ought to regard human means : And in the point before 
us, we are told (St. Luke, xiv. 31, 32), "That a king going 
forth to war against another king, sitteth down first, and 
consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet 

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him that cometh against him with twenty thousand ; or else 
while the other is yet a great way off, he sendeth an em- 
bassage, and desireth conditions of peace." Our Saviour 
was a preacher of peace; St John, xiv. 27, "Peace I leave 
with you ; My peace I give unto you," &c. But the doctor 
chooseth rather to drive on furiously with Jehu ; he answers 
to the question, "Is it peace?" as that king did to the 
horsemen, "What hast thou to do with peace? Get thee 
behind me." He saith, " Our ingratitude and impenitence 
may defeat the surest prospects we have." May we not ask 
him, whose ingratitude? As to impenitence, I think this 
paragraph is the only one wherein he vouchsafes, and that 
but very slightly, in his whole sermon, to remind the people 
of repentance and amendment ; but leaves " a subject so 
little suited to a day of joy," p. 24, to encourage them to 
"go on to obtain the end towards which they have made 
so many happy steps." We differ about that end; some 
desire peace, others war, that so they may get money and 
power: It is the interest of some to be in action, others 
to be at rest : Some people clap their finger upon one point, 
and say that alone can be a good peace. We say there be 
many sorts of good peace, of all which we esteem the Queen 
and ministry to be the best judges. The doctor tells us, 
p. 23, " Our sins may force us to put an ill end to the war ; " 
he should explain what he calls an ill end ; I am apt to 
think he will think nothing good that puts an end to it, 
since he saith, "Vengeance may affect not only us, but 
generations yet unborn:" That they have taken care of 
already; we have pretty well mortgaged posterity by the 
expenses of this devouring war, and must we never see 
an end to it till there is not an enemy left to contend with, 
for so our author would intimate. In what a condition 
must we expect to be, long before that? It is very happy 
for the nation, that we do not lie at the mercy of this gentle- 
man; that his voice is not necessary towards the great 
end we pant after, the unloading of our burthen, and the 
mitigation of our taxes. A just and necessary war is an 
ostentatious theme, and may bear being declaimed on. 
Let us have war, what have we to do with peace? We 
have beaten our enemy, let us beat him again: God has 
given us success, He encourages us to go on. Have we 

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not won battles, and towns, passed the lines, and taken 
the great Bouchain? What avails our miseries at home? 
A little paltry wealth, the decay of trade, increase of taxes, 
dearness of necessaries, expense of blood, and lives of our 
countrymen. Are there not foreigners to supply their 
places? Have not the loss of so many brave soldiers 
been offered to the legislature as a reason for calling in 
such numbers of poor Palatines, as it were to fill up the 
chasm of war, and atone for the desolation amongst our 
subjects ? If we continue thus prodigal of our blood and 
treasure, in a few years we shall have as little of the one 
as the other left ; and our women, if they intend to multi- 
ply, must be reduced, like the Amazons, to go out of the 
land, or take them husbands at home of those wretched 
strangers, whom our piety and charity relieved. Of the 
natives there will be scarce a remnant preserved; and 
thus the British name may be endangered once more to 
be lost in the German. 

Were it not for fear of offending the worthy doctor, 
I should be tempted to compare his sermon with one 
that some time since made so much noise in the world ; 1 
but I am withheld by the consideration of its being so 
universally condemned, nay prosecuted on one side : Per- 
haps the chaplain-general will not like the parallel : There 
may be found the same heat, the same innuendoes, upon 
different subjects, though the occasion be not so pressing. 
What necessity was there of preaching up war to an army, 
who daily enrich themselves by the continuation of it? 
Does he not think, loyalty and obedience would have been 
a properer subject ? To have exhorted them to a persever- 
ance in their duty to the Queen, to prepare and soften 
their minds, that they may receive with resignation, if not 
applause, whatever Her Majesty shall think fit to transact 
The doctor, without suspicion of flattery, might very well 
have extolled their great actions, and congratulated with 
them upon the peace we are likely to enjoy, by which they 
will be at leisure to reap the harvest of their blood and 
toil, take their rest at home, and be relieved from the burthen 
and danger of a cruel war. And as our gratitude will be 

1 The Sermon of Dr. SachevereU. See vol. iii. of present edition. 

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ever due to them for delivering us from our distant enemy 
the French, so shall we have reason to bless whoever are 
the authors of peace to these distressed nations, by which 
we may be freed from those nearer and much more formid- 
able enemies, discontent and poverty at home. 

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The Tory ministry had committed itself to a peace; its reason for 
existence was based on its opposition to the war, and every means 
were employed, consistent with secrecy and a certain amount of dignity, 
that should bring this about. For some years there had been living in 
London a priest named Gaultier. l He had come over in the train of 
Marshal Tallard, after the Peace of Ryswick, but remained behind 
when the French ambassador left England on Louis's recognition oi 
the Pretender as King of England. He remained, as we learn, to 
watch events, and to report secretly such matters as might be of value 
to the French government. Gaultier was acquainted with the Earl of 
Jersey, and was also connected by family ties with St. John. It is not 
a matter for surprise, therefore, to learn, that when peace proposals 
were being meditated and discussed, and when the Earl of Jersey sug- 
gested the employment of a man he knew for secretly communicat- 
ing such proposals, Harley and St. John employed Gaultier for the 
mission. He was accordingly sent to Paris, and one can understand 
the delight with which the Marquis de Torcy welcomed this envoy who 
came to offer terms of peace at a time when peace meant the salvation 
of France. 

Torcy, however, was not the man to accept blindly any peace pro- 
posals, no matter how eagerly he may have welcomed them; so that 
the secret negotiations continued for some time. In July of 171 1, how- 
ever, it was deemed necessary that Gaultier, on his next visit to Paris, 
should be accompanied by a representative who, while worthy of his 
office, should yet be one whose absence from England would attract no 
attention. For this purpose Matthew Prior was chosen, and his stay 
in Paris seems to have proved a success, both politically and socially. 
Prior's terms, however, were considered, by Torcy and his colleagues, 
much too demanding, and when he showed them his secret commission, 
signed by St. John and initialled by Anne, they were not a little 
astonished to find how limited were his powers. Not wishing to reject 
the terms for fear of bringing about an entire rupture, M. Mesnager 
was sent with Gaultier and Prior back to London, in the hope that his 
eloquence might have a more persuasive force. 

The three landed at Deal, only to find themselves taken in charge 
by a too zealous custom-house official, one John Macky. 2 They were 
released after much delay, but it required an order from St. John him- 
self. The rumour that French spies had landed in England had, how- 
ever, got abroad, and in spite of all the attempts made to hush the 

1 For an account of the Abb6 Gaultier, see the "Memoires du 
Marquis de Torcy," vol. ii., p. 16. * 

a This John Macky is also the reputed author of the " Characters " 
on which Swift made such interesting remarks. 


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matter up, the arrest was the talk of the town. The ministers in 
London, as may be expected, were in no very comfortable frames of 
mind. Apart from the fear of the Whig opposition, they dreaded the 
discovery that they had been transgressing one of the articles of the 
Grand Alliance, which stipulated that no negotiations with the enemy 
should be carried on by one party without the knowledge of the other 

In their predicament Swift, as usual, came to their aid. He wrote 
the "New Journey to Paris" for the purpose of throwing dust in the 
eyes of the inquisitive and the suspicious, by giving them an amusing 
and entirely fictitious narrative of the whole affair. 

In his "Letters to Stella" Swift himself gives an account of the 

"Aug. 31, 171 1. I have just thought of a project to bite the town. 
I have told you that it is now known that Mr. Pnor has been lately in 
France. I will make a printer of my own sit by me one day ; and will 
dictate to him a formal relation of Prior's journey, with several par- 
ticulars, all pure invention ; and I doubt not but it will take." 

"Sep. 11, 171 1. This morning the printer sent me an account of 
' Prior's Journey'; it makes a twopenny pamphlet : I suppose you will 
see it, for I dare say it will run. It is a formal grave lie, from the 
beginning to the end. I wrote all but the last page ; that I dictated, 
and the printer wrote. Mr. Secretary sent to me to dine where he did ; 
it was at Prior's. When I came in, Prior showed me the pamphlet, 
seemed to be angry, and said, ' Here is our English liberty ! ' I read 
some of it ; said, ' I liked it mightily, and envied the rogue the thought ; 
for had it come into my head, I should certainly have done it myself.' " 

" Sept. 12, 171 1. The printer told me he sold yesterday a thousand 
of 'Prior's Journey,' and had printed five hundred more. It will do 
rarely, I believe, and is a pure bite." 

"Sep. 24, 171 1. 'Prior's Journey' sells still; they have sold two 
thousand, although the town is empty." 

The conclusion of this pamphlet was not by Swift, as he tells Stella : 
"The last two pages, which the printer got somebody to add, are so 
romantic, they spoil the rest." 

To Archbishop King, Swift wrote on October 1st, 171 1: "There 
came out some time ago an account of Mr. Prior's 'Journey to France,' 
pretended to be a translation ; it is a pure invention from the beginning 
to the end. I will let your grace into the secret of it. The clamours 
of a party against any peace without Spain, and railing at the ministry 
as if they designed to ruin us, occasioned that production, out of in- 
dignity and contempt, by way of furnishing fools with something to 
talk of; and it has had a very great effect." 

"Although," says Scott, "Swift, even to Stella, represents the 
'Journey to Paris' as mere pleasantry, it was certainly written with 
a more serious purpose. The cession of Spain to the House of Austria, 
upon which the former treaty at Gertruydenberg had broken off, is 
artfully alluded to ; and, from the mode in which that part of Mr. 
Prior's supposed conference should be received, ministers might be 
enabled to judge whether they might venture to abandon Spain to the 
House of Bourbon in the event of a peace. In other respects, the high 


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tone imputed to the British agent was calculated to assure the public, 
that their rights were under the management of those who would not 
compromise the national dignity, while the extreme anxiety of the 
French king and ministers for a peace, necessarily inferred that Britain 
might have one on her own terms. " 

What effect this pamphlet had on the town in general, and on the 
Whigs in particular, may be gathered from a writer who commented 
on it in " Seasonable Remarks on a late Journey to Paris." He 
places its authorship on Swift, and excellently well touches off 
Swift's character, although he does not miss the opportunity to load 
him with abuse. Scott notes the ingenuity displayed by Swift in 
choosing such a person as the supposed Mons. du Baudrier to tell an 
intended imperfect tale. He considers this tract to have few equals, 
"even of SwifVs more celebrated writings," for the peculiarity of his 
grave humour. 

The text here reprinted is that of the original edition, which has 
been used to correct that given by Scott. 

[T. S.] 


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Journey to PARIS: 

Together with fome 

Secret Tranfaftions 

Between the 

Fr— h K— g, 

A N D A N 

Eng — Gentleman. 

'By the Steur du <B A U D <£ / E % 

Tranflated from the French. 


Printed for John Morphew, near StMtio- 
ners-HtU. 1711. ( Price 2 d. ) 


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*T*HE original of the following discourse was transmitted to 
me three days ago from the Hague, to which town it was 
sent from France ; but in the title-page there was no mention of 
the place where it was printed, only the author's name at length, 
and the year of our Lord. That the tract is genuine, I believe 
no person will doubt. You see all along the vanity of that 
nation, in a mean man, giving himself the airs of a secretary, 
when it appears, by several circumstances, that he was received 
only as a menial servant. It were to be wished, the author 
had been one of more importance, and farther trusted in the 
secrets of his master's negotiation ; but to make amends, he in- 
forms us of several particulars, which one of more consequence 
would not have given himself the trouble about : and these par- 
ticulars are such, as we at home will perhaps be curious to 
know ; not to mention that he gives us much light into some 
things that are of great moment ; and by his not pretending to 
know more, we cannot doubt the truth of what he relates. 

'Tis plain, he waited at table, carried his master's valise, 
and attended in his bed-chamber; though he takes care to tell 
us, that Monsieur Prior x made many excuses and apologies, 

1 Matthew Prior (i 664-1 721), educated at Westminster and St. John's 
College, Cambridge. Wrote, in conjunction with Mr. Montague, " The 
City Mouse and Country Mouse " (1688). Appointed secretary to the 
English embassy at the Hague in 1691, and secretary to the embassy at 
the Treaty of Ryswick in 1097. Was afterwards made under-secretary 
of state and a commissioner of trade. Took the side of the Tory party 
on the accession of Anne, and was employed by them to carry on the 
negotiations which led finally to the Treaty of Utrecht. During these 
negotiations he was sent to Paris as ambassador, but was recalled early 
in the reign of George I., and threatened with impeachment. He wrote 
many light poems, tales, and "Memoirs of his Own Time." With 

V. O 

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because these mean offices appear very inconsistent with the 
character of secretary \ which he would seem to set up for. 

I shall make no reflections on this important affair, nor 
upon the consequences we may expect from it : To reason upon 
secrets of state, without knowing all the springs and motions of 
them, is too common a talent among us, and the foundation of 
a thousand errors. Here is room enough for speculations ; but 
I advise the reader to let them serve for his own entertainment, 
without troubling the world with his remarks. 

reference to this very journey Burnet says : " One Prior, who had been 
Jersey's secretary, upon his death was employed to prosecute that which 
the other did not live to finish. Prior had been taken a boy out of a 
tavern by the Earl of Dorset, who accidentally found him reading 
Horace ; and he, being very generous, gave him an education in litera- 
ture : he was sent to the Court of France in September to try on what 
terms we might expect a peace ; his journey was carried on secretly ; 
but upon his return he was stopped at Dover, and a packet that he 
brought was kept till an order came from court to set him free : and by 
this accident the secret broke out " (" History of His Own Time, 
vol. vi., pp. 69-70, 1833). The reference to the tavern and Dorset's 
patronage is marked by Swift with the word " malice," and, indeed, 
Burnet's manner of stating the fact bears out Swift's note. Prior lived 
with an uncle who was a tavern-keeper and a vintner; but he attended, 
st the same time, Westminster School. The Earl of Dorset helped 
him to pursue his studies at Cambridge. [T. S.] 

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I DOUBT not but you are curious, as many others are, to 
know the secret of Monsieur Prior, an English gentleman's 
late journey from London to Paris. Perhaps, living retired 
as you do, you may not have heard of this person, though 
some years ago he was very much distinguished at Paris, and 
in good esteem even with our august monarch. I must let 
you so far into his character, as to tell you, that Monsieur 
Prior has signalized himself, both as an eminent poet, 
and man of business; was very much valued by the late 
King William, who employed him in important affairs, both 
in England and Holland : He was secretary to the English 
embassy, at the treaty of Ryswick ; and afterwards, to my 
lords the Counts of Portland and Jersey; 3 and, in the absence 
of the latter, managed, for some time, die affairs of England 
at our court by himself. Since the reign of Queen Anne he 
was employed as commissioner of trade ; but the ministry 
changing soon after Queen Anne's coming to the crown, 
Monsieur Prior, who was thought too much attached to the 

1 A sea-port town in the Bolognois. [Swift.] 

2 William Bentinck, first Earl of Portland (1649-1709), was born in 
Holland. He endeared himself to William of Orange by undertaking 
the dangerous service of sleeping with that prince when he was ill with 
the small-pox, the physicians of the time recommending the efficacy of 
the natural warmth of a young person. William of Orange distinguished 
him with several important offices. [T. S.] 


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rigides, 1 was laid aside, and lived privately at Cambridge, 2 
where he is a professor, till he was recalled by the present 

About two months ago, our king, resolving once more to 
give peace to Europe, notwithstanding the flourishing con- 
dition of his fleets and armies, the good posture of his 
finances, that his grandson 3 was almost entirely settled in the 
quiet possession of Spain, and that the affairs of the north 
was changing every day to his advantage ; offered the court 
of England to send a minister as far as Boulogne, who should 
be there met by some person from England, to treat the 
overtures of a peace. Upon the first notice that this was 
agreed to, the king immediately dispatched Monsieur de 
Torcy, 4 in whom he very much confides, to Boulogne, where 
he took lodgings at a private house in the Faux Bourg, at one 
Mr. de Marais', marchand de soy, who is married to an 
Englishwoman, that formerly had been a suivante to one of 
the fore-mentioned English ambassadors' ladies, 6 over against 
the Hostellerie de St. Jean. Monsieur stayed six days with 
much impatience, when, late at evening, on Wednesday 
the 14th of July, 8 a person, whom we afterward knew 
to be Monsieur Prior, came directly to the door, and en- 
quired for Monsieur de la Bastide, (the name and place, I 
suppose, having been before concerted :) He was immediately 
shewn unto Monsieur Torcy, where, as I am informed, they 
were shut up for three hours together, without any refresh- 
ment, though Monsieur Prior had rid post from Calais that 
day in a great deal of rain. The next morning I was sent 
for, in all haste, by Monsieur de Marais, who told me, that 

1 Tories. [Original edition.] 

2 A mistake of the author ; for, Monsieur Prior did not retire to 
Cambridge, nor is a professor, but a fellow. [Swift.] 

3 Philip of Anjou. [T. S.] 

4 Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Marquis de Torcy (1665-1746), French Am- 
bassador, and afterwards (in 1688) Minister of Foreign Affairs. Elected 
a member of the Academy of Science in 1 718. His " Memoires " (1756, 
3 vols.) form a history of the negotiations from the Treaty of Ryswick 
to the Peace of Utrecht. [T. S.] 

5 Probably the Countess of Jersey. The overtures of peace were said 
to have been first made to the Earl of Jersey by his old acquaintance 
the Marquis de Torcy. [S.] 

e New style. [Original edition.] 

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a person of quality, as he suspected, lately come from Eng- 
land, had some occasion for a secretary; and, because he 
knew I understood the languages, wrote a tolerable hand, 
had been conversant with persons of quality, and formerly 
trusted with secrets of importance, had been so kind to 
recommend me to the said gentleman, to serve him in that 
quality. I was immediately called up, and presented to Mr. 
Prior, who accosted me with great civility, and after some 
conversation was pleased to tell me, I had fully answered 
the character Monsieur de Marais had given me. From this 
time, to the day Monsieur Prior left Calais, in order to 
return to England, I may pretend to give you a faithful 
account of all his motions, and some probable conjectures 
of his whole negotiation between Boulogne and Versailles. 

But perhaps, Sir, you may be farther curious to know the 
particulars of Monsieur Prior's journey to Boulogne. It is 
reported that some time before the peace of Ryswick, King 
William did dispatch this very gentleman to Paris, upon the 
same account for which he now came : This possibly might 
be the motive (besides the known abilities of Monsieur 
Prior) to send him a second time. The following particulars 
I heard in discourse between Mademoiselle de Marais and 
her husband, which being no great secrets on our side the 
water, I suppose were told without consequence. 

Monsieur Prior having received his instructions from the 
English court, under pretence of taking a short journey of 
pleasure, and visiting the Chevalier de H * in the pro- 
vince of Suffolk, left his house on Sunday night, the nth of 
July, N. S. taking none of his servants with him. Monsieur 
M e, a who had already prepared a bark, with all neces- 
saries, on the coast of Dover, took Monsieur Prior disguised 
in his chariot : They lay on Monday night, the 12th of July, 
at the Count de Jersey's house in Kent ; arrived in good 
time the next day at Dover, drove directly to the shore, made 
the sign by waving their hats, which was answered by the 

1 Sir Thomas Hanmer (1676?- 1746), Speaker of the House of Com- 
mons in 1 71 3. He published a very sumptuous edition of Shakespeare, 
with notes, in 6 vols. 4to, in 1744. [T. S.] 

2 Arthur Moore, M.P. for Great Grimsby. [N.] In the sixth 
volume to Burnet's " History of His Own Time," Speaker Onslow adds 
a note (edit , Oxford, 1833) on the career and character of Moore. [T. S. ] 

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vessel ; and the boat was immediately sent to take him in, 
which he entered, wrapt in his cloak, and soon got aboard 
He was six hours at sea, and arrived at Calais about eleven 
at night ; went immediately to the governor, who received 
him with great respect, where he lay all night ; and set out 
pretty late the next morning, being somewhat incommoded 
with his voyage, and then took post for Boulogne, as I have 
before related. 

In the first conversation I had the honour to have with 
Monsieur Prior he was pleased to talk, as if he would have 
occasion for my service but a very few days ; and seemed 
resolved, by his discourse, that after he had dispatched his 
commission with Monsieur de la Bastide (for so we shall from 
henceforward call that minister) he would return to England ; 
by this I found I should have but little employment in quality 
of secretary ; however, having heard so great a character of 
him, I was willing to attend him in any capacity he pleased. 
Four days we continued at Boulogne, where Monsieur de la 
Bastide and Monsieur Prior had two long conferences every 
day from ten to one at noon, and from six till nine in the 
evening. Monsieur Prior did me the honour to send me 
some meat and wine constantly from his own table ; upon 
the third morning I was ordered to attend early, observed 
Monsieur Prior to have a pleasant countenance, he asked 
me what I thought of a journey to England ? and commanded 
me to be ready at an hour's warning. But upon the fourth 
evening all this was changed ; and I was directed to hire the 
best horse I could find for myself. 

We set out early the next day, Sunday the 18th, for Paris, 
in Monsieur de la Bastide's chaise, whose two attendants 
and myself made up the equipage ; but a small valise> which 
I suppose contained Monsieur Prior's instructions, he was 
pleased to trust to my care to carry on horseback ; which 
trust I discharged with the utmost faithfulness. 

Somewhat above two leagues from Boulogne, at a small 
village called Nesles, the axletree broke, which took us two 
hours to mend ; we baited at Montreuil, and lay that night 
at Abbeville. But I shall not give you any detail of our 
journey, which passed without any considerable accident, 
till we arrived within four leagues of Paris ; when about three 
in the afternoon, two cavaliers, well mounted, and armed 

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with pistols, crossed the road, then turned short and rode up 
briskly to the chaise, commanding the coachman to stop. 
Monsieur de la Bastide's two attendants were immediately 
up with them ; but I, who guessed at the importance of the 
charge that Monsieur Prior had entrusted me with, though 
I was in no fear for my own person, thought it most prudent 
to advance with what speed I could, to a small village, about 
a quarter of a league forward, to wait the event. I soon ob- 
served the chaise to come on without any disturbance, and 
I ventured to meet it : when I found that it was only a frolic 
of two young cadets of quality, who had been making a 
debauch at a friend's house hard by, and were returning to 
Paris; one of them was not unknown to Monsieur de la 
Bastide. The two cavaliers began to rally me, said I knew 
how to make a retreat, with some other pleasantries; but 
Monsieur Prior, (who knew the cause) highly commended 
my discretion. We continued our journey very merrily, and 
arrived at Paris on Tuesday the 20th, in the cool of the 

At the entrance of the town our two cavaliers left us, and 
Monsieur de la Bastide conducted Monsieur Prior to a 
private lodging in the Rue St. Louis, which, by all circum- 
stances, I concluded to be prepared for his reception. Here 
I first had orders to say that die gentleman to whom I had 
the honour to belong, was called Monsieur Matthews; 1 I 
then knew no otherwise; afterwards, at Versailles, I over- 
heard in coversation with Monsieur de la Bastide, that his 
real name was Prior. 

Monsier de la Bastide would have had Monsieur Matthews 
to have gone with him next Morning to Versailles, but could 
not prevail with him to comply ; of which I could never be 
able to learn the reason. Our minister was very importunate, 
and Monsieur Prior seemed to have no fatigue remaining 
from his journey ; perhaps he might conceive it more suitable 
to his dignity that Monsieur de la Bastide should go before, 
to prepare the king, by giving notice of his arrival : However 

1 Hence a song called " Matt's Peace, or the Downfall of Trade." 

" The News from abroad does a secret reveal, 

Which has been confirmed both at Dover and Deal, 

That one Master Matthews, once called plain Mat, 

Has been doing at Paris the Lord knoweth what," etc. [S.] 

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it were, Monsieur de la Bastide made all haste to Versailles, 
and returned the same night During his absence, Monsieur 
Prior never stirred out of his chamber ; and after dinner, did 
me the honour to send for me up, that I might bear him 
company, as he was pleased to express it. I was surprised 
to hear him wondering at the misery he had observed in our 
country, in his journey from Calais, at the scarcity and poverty 
of the inhabitants, which he said, did much exceed even 
what he had seen in his former journey ; for he owned that 
he had been in France before. He seemed to value himself 
very much upon the happiness of his own island, which, as 
he pretended, had felt no effects, like these, upon trade or 

I made bold to return for answer, that in our nation we 
only consulted the magnificence and power of our prince ; 
but that in England, as I was informed, the wealth of the 
kingdom was so divided among the people, that little or 
nothing was left to their sovereign ; and that it was con- 
fidently told (though hardly believed in France) that some 
subjects had palaces more magnificent than Queen Anne 
herself: 1 That I hoped, when he went to Versailles, he 
would allow the grandeur of our potent monarch to exceed, 
not only that of England, but any other in Europe, by which 
he would find that what he called the poverty of our nation, 
was rather the effect of policy in our court, than any real 
want or necessity. Monsieur Prior had no better answer to 
make me, than that he was no stranger to our court, the 
splendour of our prince, and the maxims by which he 
governed ; but for his part, he thought those countries were 
happier, where the productions of it were more equally 
divided : Such unaccountable notions is the prejudice of 
education apt to give ! In these and the like discourses we 
wore away the time till Mons. de la Bastide's return ; who 
after an hour's private conference with Monsieur Prior, 
which I found by their countenances had been warmly pur- 
sued on both sides, a chariot and six horses (to my great 
surprise) were instantly ordered, wherein the two ministers 
entered, and drove away with all expedition, myself only 
attending on horseback, with my important valise. 

1 A sly allusion to the splendour of Blenheim. [Edit. 1779.] 

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We got to Versailles on Wednesday the 21st, about eleven 
at night ; but instead of entering the town, the coachman, 
drove us a back way into the fields, till we stopped at a 
certain vineyard, that I afterwards understood joined to the 
gardens of Madame Maintenon's 1 lodgings. Here the two 
gentlemen alighted ; Monsieur Prior calling to me, bid me 
search in the valise for a small box of writings ; after which 
the coachman was ordered to attend in that place ; and we 
proceeded on some paces, till we stopped at a little postern 
which opened into the vineyard, whereof Monsieur de la 
Bastide had the key. He opened it very readily, and shut 
it after them, desiring me to stay till their return. 

I waited with some impatience for three hours, the great 
clock struck two before they they came out : The coachman, 
who, I suppose, had his instructions before, as soon as they 
were got into the chariot, drove away to a small house at the 
end of the town, where Monsieur de la Bastide left us, to 
ourselves. I observed Monsieur Prior was very thoughtful, 
and without entering into any conversation, desired my 
assistance to put him to bed. Next morning, Thursday the 
2 2d, I had positive orders not to stir abroad. About ten 
o'clock, Monsieur de la Bastide came ; the house being 
small, my apartment was divided from Monsieur Prior's by 
a thin wainscot, so that I could easily hear what they said, 
when they raised their voice, as they often did. After some 
time I could hear Monsieur de la Bastide say, with warmth, 
Bon Dieu 1 &c. " Good God ! Were ever such demands 
made to a great monarch, unless you were at the gates of his 
metropolis ? For the love of God, Monsieur Prior, relax 
something, if your instructions will permit you, else I shall 
despair of any good success in our negotiation ? It is not 
enough that our king will abandon his grandson, but he 
must lend his own arm to pull him out of the throne ? a Why 

1 The lady who was secretly married to Louis XIV. in 1685. She 
had been governess to the children which Madame de Montespan had 
borne to Louis. Her maiden name was D'Aubign£, being the daughter 
of Constance D* Aubignl, who was confined in the prison of Niort, where 
she was born in 1635. She founded the religious society of St. Cyr ki 
the park of Versailles. Died in 17 19. Her Tetters and life have been 
published in twelve volumes. [T. S.] 

9 The, allies at the Treaty of Gertruydenberg demanded, among other 
things, that Louis XIV. should assist with his own troops to drive his 

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did you not open yourself to me at Boulogne? Why are 
you more inexorable here at Versailles ? You have risen in 
your demands, by seeing Madame Maintenon's desire for a 
peace? As able as you are to continue the war, consider 
which is to be most preferred, the good of your country, or 
the particular advantage of your general ; for he will be the 
only gainer among your subjects?" Monsieur Prior, who 
has a low voice, and had not that occasion for passion, 
answered so softly, that I could not well understand him ; 
but upon parting, I heard him say, " If you insist still on 
these difficulties, my next audience will be that of leave." 

Three hours after Monsieur de la Bastide returned again, 
with a countenance more composed : He asked Mr. Prior if 
he would give him leave to dine with him? Having no 
attendance, I readily offered my service at table, 1 which 
Monsieur Prior was pleased to accept with abundance of 
apologies. I found they were come to a better understand- 
ing. Mr. Prior has a great deal of wit and vivacity ; he 
entertained Monsieur de la Bastide with much pleasantry, 
notwithstanding their being upon the reserve before me. 
"That Monsieur," says Mr. Matthews, "if he were un 
particulUr? would be the most agreeable person in the 
world." I imagined they spoke of the king, but going often 
in and out, I could not preserve the connection of their 
discourse. "Did you mind how obligingly he enquired, 
whether our famous Chevalier Newton 8 was still living ? He 
told me my good friend poor Despreaux * was dead since I 

grandson out of Spain if resistance were made to the accession of the 
Archduke Charles, to whom the treaty gave the crown of that kingdom. 
Louis offered to pay a proportion of the cost of the troops employed by 
the allies for that purpose, but he refused to send his own army. Swift 
was often very bitter against the Whig Ministry of Godolphin for 
demanding such terms, deeming it a condition imposed so that the 
negotiations might fail and the war be continued — to the advantage 
of Marlborough as he insisted. [T. S.] 

1 By this and some other preceding particulars, we may discover 
what sort of secretary the author was. [swift.] 
* A private man. [Swift.] a Sir Isaac Newton. [T. S.] 

4 Monsieur Boileau, the famous French poet. [Swift.] Prior was 
known to Boileau Despreaux; and, notwithstanding the inimitable 
burlesque translation which Prior had made of the French poet's ode, 
" Sur la prise de Namur," they were upon as friendly terms as the 
laureate of Louis could be with the encomiast of William. In his letter 

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was in France ; and asked me after Queen Anne's health." 
These are some of the particulars I overheard, whilst at 
dinner; which confirmed my opinion, that Monsieur Prior 
last night had an audience of His Majesty. 

About ten that evening Monsieur de la Bastide came to 
take Monsieur Matthews, to go to the same place they were 
at before : I was permitted to enter the vineyard, but not 
the gardens, being left at the gate to wait their return ; which 
was in about two hours' time. The moon shone bright, and 
by Monsieur Matthews's manner, I thought he appeared 
somewhat dissatisfied. When he came into his chamber, 
he threw off his hat in some passion, folded his arms, and 
walked up and down the room, for above an hour, extreme 
pensive : At length he called to be put to bed ; and ordered 
me to set a candle by his bed-side, and to fetch him some 
papers out of his valise to read. 

On Friday the 23d in the morning, Monsieur Matthews 
was so obliging to call me to him, with the assurance, that 
he was extremely pleased with my discretion, and manner of 
address ; as a proof of which satisfaction, he would give me 
leave to satisfy my curiosity with seeing so fine a place as 
Versailles; telling me, he should return next day towards 
Boulogne ; and therefore advised me to go immediately to 
view the palace, with this caution (though he did not suppose 
I needed it) not to say anything of the occasion that brought 
me to Versailles. 

Monsieur de la Bastide having stayed the afternoon with 
Monsieur Matthews, about eight o'clock they went to the 
rendezvous : My curiosity had led me in the morning to 
take a stricter view of the vineyard and gardens. I remained 
at the gate as before. In an hour and half s time Monsieur 
Matthews, with Monsieur de la Bastide, another gentleman, 
and a lady, came into the walk : De la Bastide opened the 
gate, and held it some time in his hand. Whilst Monsieur 
Matthews was taking his leave of those persons, I heard the 
lady say, at parting, " Monsieur, songez vous, &c Consider 
this night on what we have said to you." The gentleman 

to Boileau upon the victory of Blenheim Prior thus states their con- 
nection : 

" I grant old friend, old foe, for such we are, 
Alternate as the chance of peace and war." [S.] 

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seconded her, saying, " Out, oui, monsieur, songez vous en 
pour la demiirefois : Ay, ay, sir, consider for the last time." 
To which Monsieur Matthews answered briskly in going out, 
" Sire, tout ou rien, &c. Sir, all or none, as I have had the 
honour to tell your Majesty before." Which puts it beyond 
dispute what the quality of those persons were, by whom 
Monsieur Matthews had the honour to be entertained. 

On Saturday the 24th, Monsieur Matthews kept close as 
before ; telling me, a post chaise was ordered to carry him 
to Calais, and he would do me the grace to take me with 
him, to keep him company in the journey, for he should 
leave Monsieur de la Bastide at Versailles. Whilst we were 
discoursing, that gentleman came in with an open air, and a 
smiling countenance; he embraced Monsieur Matthews, 
and seemed to feel so much joy, that he could not easily 
conceal it I left the chamber, and retired to my own; 
whence I could hear him say, " Courage, Monsieur, no travel- 
ling to-day, Madame Maintenon will have me once more con- 
duct you to her." After which I was called, and received 
orders about dinner, &c. Monsieur de la Bastide told me, 
we should set out about midnight. He stayed the rest of 
the day with Monsieur Matthews. About ten o'clock they 
went forth, but dispensed with my attendance; it was one 
in the morning before they returned, though the chaise was 
at the gate soon after eleven. Monsieur Matthews took a 
morsel of bread, and a large glass of Hermitage wine ; after 
which they embraced with much kindness, and so parted. 

Our journey to Calais passed without any accident worth 
informing you : Mr. Prior, who is of a constitution some- 
what tender, was troubled with a rheum, which made speak- 
ing uneasy to him; but it was not so at all to me, and 
therefore I entertained him as well as I could, chiefly with 
the praises of our great monarch, the magnificence of his 
court, the number of his attendants, the awe and veneration 
paid him by his generals and ministers, and the immense 
riches of the kingdom. One afternoon, in a small village 
between Chaumont and Beauvais, as I was discoursing on 
this subject, several poor people followed the chaise to beg 
our charity; one louder than the rest, a comely person, 
about fifty, all in rags, but with a mien that showed him to 
be of a good house, cried out, " Monsieur, pour t amour de 

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DieUy &c. Sir, for the love of God, give something to the 
Marquis de Sourdis : " Mr. Prior, half asleep, roused himself 
up at the name of Marquis, called the poor gentleman to 
him, and observing something in his behaviour like a man 
of quality, very generously threw him a pistole. As the 
coach went on, Monsieur Prior asked me, with much sur- 
prise, whether I thought it possible that unhappy creature 
could be un veritable marquis ? x For if it were so, surely 
the miseries of our country must be much greater than even 
our very enemies could hope or believe? I made bold to 
tell him, That I thought we could not well judge from 
particulars to generals, and that I was sure there were great 
numbers of marquises in France who had ten thousand 
livres a year. I tell you this passage, to let you see, that the 
wisest men have some prejudices of their country about 
them ! We got to Calais on Wednesday the 28th in the 
evening, and the next morning (the 29th) I took my leave 
of Monsieur Prior, who thanking me in the civillest manner 
in the world, for the service I had done him, very nobly 
made me a present of fifty pistoles, and so we parted. He 
put to sea with a fair wind, and I suppose, in a few hours 
landed in England. 

This, Sir, is the utmost I am able to inform you about 
Monsieur Prior's journey and negotiation. Time alone will 
let us know the events of it, which are yet in the dark. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient and most 
humble servant, 

Du Baudrier. 


The author of this tract having left his master on ship- 
board at Calais, had, it seems, no further intelligence when 
he published it : Neither am I able to supply it, but by what 
passes in common report; which being in every body's 
mouth, but with no certainly, I think it needless to repeat. 

1 A real marquis. [Swift.] To this incident Swift refers in his 
"Journal to Stella," under date September 13th, 1711, when writing 
on the matter of the pamphlet : " The two last pages, which the 
printer had got somebody to add, are so romantic, they spoil all the 
rest." [T. S.] 

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The country squires, by means of the "Examiner/' and the various 
publications issued at the instigation of the Tory ministers, were fairly 
roused to indignation by what they were adroitly persuaded to be- 
lieve, was the character of the leading Whigs. To them it seemed 
that the ministers were too lax. They should bring such monsters 
of iniquity to trial, imprison them in the Tower, or place their heads 
on the block. Nothing would satisfy them but to have all Whigs 
out of any place of authority or public office. About two hundred 
of these squires formed themselves into a Club which they called The 
October Club, from the ale they drank at the Bell Tavern in King 
Street, Westminster, where they met to talk over politics in general, 
and the iniquities of these Whigs in particular. St. John by his 
passionate eloquence helped to put fuel mto the fire of their zeal, and 
they became clamorous. They began to suspect that Harley was 
something of a hypocrite or time-server, otherwise they could not ac- 
count for his indulgence. To appease their ardour Swift wrote this 
extremely clever letter. His business it was to impress the squires with 
the many State secrets that had to be safeguarded ; with the private 
matters that influenced the men in high position to a policy of restraint ; 
with the probability that the time was not ripe for justice, but that 
justice would be done nevertheless ; in short, with all sorts of hints and 
insinuations which would form excellent material for bar-parlour dis- 
cussions, because they contained a modicum of truth and a large 
amount of seeming special knowledge of mighty matters of State. And 
Swift did his business excellently well. The result was that the squires 
had much food for their ruminations, and ceased from becoming a 
danger because of their well-meant but precipitate partisanship. 

The chief members of this Club were : John Aislabie, Francis Annes- 
ley, William Bromley, Robert Byerley, Henry Campion, Charles Caesar, 
Sir Robert Davers, Charles Eversfield, Ralph Freeman, Sir Thomas 
Hanmer, John Hungerford, Sir Justinian Isham, George Lockhart, 
Sir Roger Mostyn, Sir John Packington, Francis Scobel, William 
Shippen, Sir Thomas Thorold, John Trevannion, Sir William White- 
lock, and Sir William Windham. 

In his letter to Stella under date January 13th, 1711-1712, Swift 
writes : " I have made Ford copy out a small pamphlet, and send it to 
the press, that I might not be known for author ; 'tis a letter to the 
October Club, if ever you heard of such a thing." On the 21st he 
continues : " I dined to-day in the city, where my printer showed me 
a pamphlet, called, Advice to the October Club, which he said was 

V. P 

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sent him by an unknown hand ; I commended it mightily ; he never 
suspected me ; 'tis a twopenny pamphlet" On the 23rd he relates : 
" I was to-night at Lord Masham's ; Lord Dupplin took out my little 
pamphlet ; and the Secretary read a great deal of it to Lord Treasurer ; 
they all commended it to the skies, and so did I, and they began a 
health to the author. But I doubt Lord Treasurer suspected, tor he 
said, ' this is Dr. Davenant's style,' which is his cant when he suspects 
me ; but I carried the matter very well." 

Swift was at first disappointed at the sale of his twopenny pamphlet. 
He tells Stella, " it does not sell ; I know not the reason ; for it is 
finely written, I assure you ; and, like a true author, I grow fond of it, 
because it does not sell. You know that is usual to writers to condemn 
the judgment of the world ; if I had hinted it to be mine, everybody 
would have bought it, but it is a great secret." However, on February 
1st he can report, " the pamphlet of Advice to the October Club begins 
now to sell, but I believe its fame will hardly reach Ireland ; 'tis finely 
written, I assure you." 

The "Person of Honour" mentioned on the title-page was thought 
to be Lord Harcourt. It did not, however, trouble Swift much to 
whom the authorship was ascribed. What he was anxious about was 
the safety of a ministry in which, at this time, he began to lose con- 
fidence. He was not so certain of the ability of St. John and Harley 
to bring about the peace, and he also saw signs of disunion between 
these two who, to outward seeming, were such hearty friends. We can 
understand how anxious he was for Harley's safety in the attempted 
assassination of this minister by Guiscard, and he bathed in the sun- 
shine of the new popularity which this attempt on his life secured for 
the Lord Treasurer. 

The text of the " Letter of Advice " as reprinted here is substantially 
that of the first edition ; but this has been collated with that reprinted 
by Faulkner in vol. vi. of Swift's collected works published in 1741. 

[T. S. 

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Humbly Offer'd to the 







Perfon of Honour. 


Printed for John Morpbew, near Stationers- 
Hall, 1712. Price 1 d. 

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[to the second edition.] 

A BO UT the year when Her late Majesty ', of blessed memory, 
thought proper to change her ministry \ and brought in 
Mr. Harley, Mr. St. John, Sir Simon Harcourt, 1 and 
some others : The first of these being made an earl and 
lord-treasurer, he was soon after blamed by his friends for not 
making a general sweep of all the Whigs, as the latter did of 
all their adversaries, upon Her Majesty's death, when they 
came into power. At that time a great number of parliament 
men amounting to above two hundred, grew so warm upon the 
slowness of the treasurer in this part, that they formed them- 
selves into a body under the name of the October Club, and had 
many meetings, to consult upon some methods that might spur 
on those in power, so that they might make a quicker dis- 
patch, in removing all of the Whig leaven from the employ- 
ments they still possessed. To prevent the ill consequences of 
this discontent among so many worthy members; the rest of the 
ministry joined with the treasurer, partly to pacify, and partly 
to divide those who were in greater haste than moderate men 
thought convenient. It was well known, that the supposed 
author met a considerable number of this club in a public house, 
where he convinced them very plainly of the treasurer's sincerity, 

1 Afterwards Lord Harcourt. Defended Sacheverel at his trial. He 
filled successively the offices of Solicitor-General, Attorney-General, 
Lord Keeper, and Lord Chancellor. Speaker Onslow says of him : 
" He had the greatest skill and power of speech of any man I ever 
knew in a public assembly." As plain Mr. Harcourt he was ordered 
by the House of Commons to go up to the Lords and impeach Somers 
for his share in the Partition Treaty. [T. S.] 


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with many of those very reasons which are urged in the 
following Discourse, besides some others which were not so 
proper to appear at that time in print 

T7u treasurer alleged in his defence, that such a treatment 
would not consist with prudence, because there were many 
employments to be bestowed, which required skill and practice ; 
that several gentlemen who possessed them, had been long 
versed, very loyal to Her Majesty, and had never been violent 
party men, and were ready to fall into all honest measures for 
the service of their Queen and country. But however, as 
offices became vacant, he would humbly recommend to Her 
Majesty such gentlemen whose principles with regard both to 
church and state, Ms friends would approve of, and he would 
be ready to accept their recommendations. Thus, the earl pro- 
ceeded in procuring employments for those who deserved them 
by their honesty, and abilities to execute them ; which, I confess 
to have been a singularity not very likely to be imitated. 
However, the gentlemen of this club, still continued uneasy 
that no quicker progress was made in removals, until those who 
were least violent began to soften a little, or by dividing them, 
the whole affair dropped. During this difficulty, we have 
been assured, that the following Discourse was very seasonably 
published with great success, shewing the difficulties that the 
Earl of Oxford lay under, and his real desire, that all persons 
in employments should be true loyal churchmen, zealous for 
Her Majesty 9 s honour and safety, as well as for the succession 
in the House of Hanover, if the Queen should happen to die 
without issue. This Discourse having been published about 
the year 1711, and many of the facts forgotten, would not have 
been generally understood without some explanation, which we 
have now endeavoured to give, because it seems a point of history 
too material to be lost. We owe this piece of intelligence to an 
intimate of the supposed author. 

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SINCE the first institution of your society, I have always 
thought you capable of the greatest things. Such a 
number of persons, members of parliament, true lovers of 
our constitution in church and state, meeting at certain 
times, and mixing business and conversation together, with- 
out the forms and constraint necessary to be observed in 
public assemblies, must very much improve each other's 
understanding, correct and fix your judgment, and prepare 
yourselves against any designs of the opposite party. Upon 
the opening of this session, an incident hath happened, to 
provide against the consequences whereof will require your 
utmost vigilance and application. All this last summer the 
enemy was working under ground, and laying their train ; 
they gradually became more frequent and bold in their 
pamphlets and papers, while those on our side were dropped, 
as if we had no farther occasion for them. Some time 
before an opportunity fell into their hands, which they have 
cultivated ever since; and thereby have endeavoured, in 
some sort, to turn those arts against us, which had been so 
effectually employed to their ruin : A plain demonstration 
of their superior skill at intrigue; to make a stratagem 
succeed a second time, and this even against those who first 
tried it upon them. 1 I know not whether this opportunity I 

1 He insinuates the queen's favour for the Duchess of Somerset, 
groom of the stole ; by means of whose influence the Whigs hoped to 
undermine the Tory administration, as that of Lord Godolphin had 
been destroyed by the intrigues of Mrs. Masham. The only mode of 
parrying the blow seemed to be the dismissal of the Duke and Duchess 
of Somerset from their posts near the queen's person. But, in insisting 
upon this, without the queen's full and voluntary concurrence, the 
ministers might seem to dictate to her the choice of her personal 


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have mentioned could have been prevented by any care, 
without straining a very tender point, which those chiefly 
concerned avoided by all means, because it might seem a 
counterpart of what they had so much condemned in their 
predecessors. Though it is certain the two cases were 
widely different ; and if policy had once got the better of 
good nature, all had been safe, for there was no other danger 
in view : But the consequences of this were foreseen from 
the beginning, and those who kept the watch had early 
warning of it. It would have been a masterpiece of prudence, 
in this case, to have made a friend of an enemy. But 
whether that were possible to be compassed, or whether it 
were ever attempted, is now too late to enquire. All 
accommodation was rendered desperate, by an unlucky 
proceeding some months ago at Windsor, 1 which was a 
declaration of war too frank and generous for that situation 
of affairs, and, I am told, was not approved of by a certain 
great minister. 3 It was obvious to suppose, that in a par- 
ticular where the honour and interest of a husband were so 
closely united with those of a wife, he might be sure of her 
utmost endeavours for his protection, though she neither 
loved nor esteemed him. The danger of losing power, 
favour, profit, and a shelter from domestic tyranny, were 
strong incitements to stir up a working brain, early practised 
in all the arts of intriguing. Neither is it safe to count upon 
the weakness of any man's understanding, who is thoroughly 
possessed with the spirit of revenge to sharpen his inven- 
tion : Nothing else is required besides obsequiousness and 
assiduity, which as they are often the talents of those who 
have no better, so they are apt to make impressions upon 
the best and greatest minds. 

It was no small advantage to the designing party, that 
since the adventure at Windsor, the person on whom we so 
much depend, 8 was long absent by sickness ; which hindered 

servants, which they had charged as peculiar insolence in the late 
ministry. [S. ] See the " Journal " for December, 1 71 1. 
' * An open rupture between Mrs. Masham and the Duchess of Marl- 
borough. [S.] 

2 The Lord-Treasurer. [S.] 

8 Harley, unfortunately for himself, was often away from court through 
sickness and family bereavement. [T. S.] 

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him from pursuing those measures, that ministers are in 
prudence forced to take, to defend their country and them- 
selves against an irritated faction. The negotiators on the 
other side, improved this favourable conjuncture to the 
utmost ; and by an unparalleled boldness, accompanied with 
many falsehoods, persuaded certain lords, who were already 
in the same principle, but were afraid of making a wrong 
step, lest it should lead them out of their coaches into the 
dirt, that voting, in appearance, against the court, would be 
the safest course, to avoid the danger they most appre- 
hended, which was that of losing their pensions ; and their 
opinions, when produced, by seemingly contradicting their 
interest, have an appearance of virtue into the bargain. 
This, with some arguments of more immediate power, went 
far in producing that strange unexpected turn we have so 
lately seen, and from which our adversaries reckoned upon 
such wonderful effects ; and some of them, particularly my 
lord chief justice, 1 began to act as if all were already in their 

But, though the more immediate causes of this desertion 
were what I have above related, yet I am apt to think, it 
would hardly have been attempted, or at least not have 
succeeded, but for a prevailing opinion, that the church 
party, and the ministers, had different views or at least were 
not so firmly united as they ought to have been. It was 
commonly said, and I suppose not without some ground of 
truth, that many gentlemen of your club were discontented 
to find so little done ; that they thought it looked as if 
people were not in earnest; that they expected to see a 
thorough change, with respect to employments ; and though 
every man could not be provided for, yet when all places 
were filled with persons of good principles, there would be 
fewer complaints, and less danger from the other party ; that 
this change was hoped for all last summer, and even to the 
opening of the session, yet nothing done. On the other 

1 Lord Chief Justice Parker, who considered a certain passage in the 
" Conduct of the Allies " as treasonable. See note on p. 123. Parker 
had threatened Morphew, the publisher of the pamphlet. " He would 
not," wrote Swift to Stella (December 13th, 1711), "have the im- 
pudence to do this, if he did not foresee what was coming at Court." 
IT. S.] 

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hand, it was urged by some in favour of the ministry, that it 
was impossible to find employments for one pretender in 
twenty, and therefore, in gratifying one, nineteen would be 
disobliged ; but while all had leave to hope, they would all en- 
deavour to deserve: But this again was esteemed a very 
shallow policy, which was too easily seen through, must soon 
come to an end, and would cause a general discontent ; with 
twenty other objections, to which it was liable : And indeed, 
considering the short life of ministries in our climate, it was 
with some reason thought a little hard, that those for whom 
any employment was intended, should, by such a delay, be 
probably deprived of half their benefit; not to mention, 
that a ministry is best confirmed, when all inferior officers 
are in its interest 

I have set this cause of complaint in the strongest light, 
though my design is to endeavour that it should have no 
manner of weight with you, as I am confident our adver- 
saries counted upon, and do still expect to find mighty 
advantages by it. 

But it is necessary to say something to this objection, 
which in all appearance lies so hard upon the present 
ministry. What shall I offer upon so tender a point? How 
shall I convey an answer .that none will apprehend except 
those for whom I intend it ? I have often pitied the condi- 
tion of great ministers upon several accounts, but never so 
much upon any, as when their duty obliges them to bear the 
blame and envy of actions, for which they will not be 
answerable in the next world, though they dare not convince 
the present, till it is too late. This letter is sent you, gentle- 
men, from no mean hand, nor from a person uninformed, 
though for the rest as little concerned in point of interest 
for any change of ministry, as most others of his fellow- 
subjects. I may therefore assume so much to myself, as to 
desire you will depend upon it, that a short time will make 
manifest, how little the defect you complain of, ought to lie 
at that door, where your enemies would be glad to see you 
place it. The wisest man, who is not very near the spring 
of affairs, but views them only in their issues and events, 
will be apt to fix applauses and reproaches in the wrong 
place ; which is the true cause of a weakness that I never 
yet knew great ministers without, I mean their being deaf to 

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all advice ; for if a person of the best understanding offers 
his opinion in a point where he is not master of all the cir- 
cumstances, (which perhaps are not to be told) 'tis a hundred 
to one, that he runs into an absurdity : From whence it is 
that ministers falsely conclude themselves to be equally 
wiser than others in general things, where the common 
reason of mankind ought to be the judge ; and is probably 
less biassed than theirs. I have known a great man of 
excellent parts, blindly pursue a point of no importance, 
against the advice of every friend he had, till it ended in his 
ruin. 1 I have seen great abilities rendered utterly useless, 
by unaccountable and unnecessary delay, and by difficulty 
of access, by which a thousand opportunities are suffered to 
escape. I have observed the strongest shoulders to sink 
under too great a load of business, for want of dividing a 
due proportion among others : 2 These and more that might 
be named, are obvious failings, which every rational man 
may be allowed to discern as well as lament, and wherein 
the wisest minister may receive advice from others of inferior 
understanding : But in those actions where we are not 
thoroughly informed of all the motives and circumstances, 'tis 
hardly possible, that our judgment should not be mistaken. 
I have often been one of the company, where we have all 
blamed a measure taken, which has afterward proved the 
only one that could possibly have succeeded. Nay I have 
known those very men who have formerly been in the secret 
of affairs, when a new set of people hath come in, offering 
their refinements and conjectures in a very plausible manner 
upon what was passing, and widely err in all they advanced. 
Whatever occasions may have been given for complaints 
that enough hath not been done, those complaints should 
not be carried so far as to make us forget what hath been 
done, which at first was a great deal more than we hoped or 
thought practicable ; and you may be assured, that so much 
courage and address, were not employed in the beginning of 
so great a work, without a resolution of carrying it through, 

1 This refers to Godolphin, who allowed himself to be carried away 
by spleen in the Sacheverel trial. He could not, apparently, forgive 
the preacher for nick-naming him Volpone. [T. S.] 

9 These two errors, the love of procrastination and a desire to do 
more than was possible with his own hand, belonged to Harley. [S.] 

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as fast as opportunities would offer. Any of the most 
sanguine gentlemen in your club, would gladly have com- 
pounded two years ago, to have been assured of seeing 
affairs in the present situation: It is principally to the 
abilities of one great person, that you, gentlemen, owe the 
happiness of meeting together, to cultivate good principles, 
and form yourselves into a body for defending your country 
against a restless and dangerous faction. It is to the same 
we all owe that mighty change in the most important posts 
of the kingdom ; that we see the sacred person of our prince 
encompassed by those whom we ourselves would have 
chosen, if it had been left to our power : And if every thing 
besides, that you could wish, has not been hitherto done, 
you will be but just to impute it to some powerful though 
unknown impediments, wherein the ministry is more to be 
lamented than blamed : But there is good reason to hope 
from the vigorous proceedings of the court, that these impedi- 
ments will in a short time be effectually removed. And one 
great motive to hasten the removal of them, will doubtless 
be the reflection upon those dangerous consequences which 
had like to have ensued upon not removing them before. 
Besides, after so plain and formidable a conviction, that 
mild and moderate methods meet with no other reception 
or return, than to serve as opportunities to the insatiable 
malice of an enemy ; power will awake to vindicate itself, 
and disarm its opposers, at least, of all offensive weapons. 

Consider, if you please, how hard beset the present 
ministry hath been on every side : By the impossibility of 
carrying on the war any longer, without taking the most 
desperate courses ; or of recovering Spain from the house of 
Bourbon, though we could continue it many years longer : 
By the clamours of a faction against any peace without that 
condition, which the most knowing among themselves 
allowed to be impracticable : by the secret cabals of foreign 
ministers, who have endeavoured to inflame our people, and 
spirited up a sinking faction to blast all our endeavours for 
peace, with those popular repro&hes of France and the 
Pretender : Not to mention the dangers they have been in 
from private insinuations of such a nature, as it was almost 
impossible to fence against These clouds now begin to 
blow over, and those who are at the helm, will have leisure 

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to look about them ; and complete what yet remains to be 

That confederate body which now makes up the adverse 
party consists of an union so monstrous and unnatural, that 
in a little time it must of necessity fall to pieces. The dis- 
senters with reason think themselves betrayed and sold by 
their brethren. What they have been told, that the present 
bill against occasional conformity, was to prevent a greater 
evil, is an excuse too gross to pass ; and if any other pro- 
found refinement were meant, it is now come to nothing. 
The remaining sections of the party, have no other tie but 
that of an inveterate hatred and rancour against those in 
power, without agreeing in any other common interest ; not 
cemented by principle or personal friendship, I speak par- 
ticularly of their leaders; and though I know that court 
enmities are as inconstant as its friendships, yet from the 
difference of temper and principle, as well as the fears re- 
maining of former animosities, I am persuaded their league 
will not be of long continuance ; I know several of them 
who will never pardon those with whom they are now in 
confederacy ; and when once they see the present ministry 
thoroughly fixed, they* will grow weary of hunting upon a 
cold scent, or playing a desperate game, and crumble away. 

On the other side, while the malice of that party con- 
tinues in vigour ; while they yet feel the bruises of their 
fall, which pain them afresh since their late disappointment ; 
they will leave no arts untried, to recover themselves ; and it 
behoves all who have any regard for the safety of the Queen 
or her kingdom, to join unanimously against an adversary 
who will return full fraught with vengeance upon the first 
opportunity that shall offer : and this perhaps is more to be 
regarded, because that party seem yet to have a reserve of 
hope, in the same quarter from whence their last reinforce- 
ment came. Neither can any thing cultivate this hope of 
theirs so much, as a disagreement among ourselves, founded 
upon a jealously of the ministry, who I think need no better 
a testimony of their good intentions, than the incessant rage 
of the party-leaders against them. 

There is one fault which both sides are apt to charge 
upon themselves, and very generously commend their adver- 
saries for the contrary virtue. The Tories acknowledge, 

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that the Whigs outdid them in rewarding their friends, and 
adhering to each other. The Whigs allow the same to the 
Tories. I am apt to think, that the former may a little excel 
the latter in this point; for doubtless the Tories are less 
vindictive of the two ; and whoever is remiss in punishing, 
will probably be so in rewarding ; though at the same time 
I well remember the clamours often raised during the reign 
of that party against the leaders, by those who thought their 
merits were not rewarded ; and they had reason on their side ; 
because it is, no doubt, a misfortune, to forfeit honour and 
conscience for nothing : But surely the case is very different 
at this time, when whoever adheres to the administration, 
does service to God, his prince, and his country, as well as 
contributes to his own private interest and safety. 

But if the Whig leaders were more grateful in rewarding 
their friends, it must be avowed likewise, that the bulk of 
them was in general more zealous for the service of their 
party, even when abstracted from any private advantage, as 
might be observed in a thousand instances; for which I 
would likewise commend them, if it were not natural to 
mankind to be more violent in an ill cause than a good one. 

The perpetual discord of factions, with several changes of 
late years in the very nature of our government, have con- 
trolled many maxims among us. The court and country 
party which used to be the old division, seems now to be 
ceased, or suspended for better times and worse princes. 
The Queen and ministry are at this time fully in the true 
interest of the Jringdom ; and therefore the court and country 
are of a side ; and the Whigs, who originally were of the 
latter, are now of neither, but an independent faction, 
nursed up by the necessities or mistakes of a late good, 
though unexperienced prince. Court and country ought 
therefore to join their forces against these common enemies, 
till they are entirely dispersed and disabled. It is enough 
to arm ourselves against them, when we consider that the 
greatest misfortunes which can befall the nation, are what 
would most answer their interest and their wishes ; a per- 
petual war increases their money, breaks and beggars their 
landed enemies. The ruin of the church would please the 
dissenters, deists, and socinians, whereof the body of their 
party consists. A commonwealth, or a protector, would 

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gratify the republican principles of some, and the ambition 
of others among them. 

I would infer from hence, that no discontents of an in- 
ferior nature, such I mean as I have already mentioned, 
should be carried so far as to give any ill impression of the 
present ministry. If all things have not been hitherto done 
as you, gentlemen, could reasonably wish, it can be imputed 
only to the secret instruments of that faction. The truth of 
this hath appeared from some late incidents more visible 
than formerly. Neither do I believe, that any one will now 
make a doubt whether a certain person 1 be in earnest, after 
the united and avowed endeavours of a whole party to strike 
directly at his head. 

When it happens, by some private cross intrigues, that a 
great man has not that power which is thought due to his 
station, he will however probably desire the reputation of it, 
without which he neither can preserve the dignity, nor 
hardly go through the common business of his place ; yet is 
it that reputation to which he owes all the envy and hatred 
of others, as well as his own disquiets. Mean time, his ex- 
pecting friends impute all their disappointments to some 
deep design, or to his defect of good will, and his enemies 
are sure to cry up his excess of power ; especially in those 
points where they are confident it is most shortened. A 
minister, in this difficult case, is sometimes forced to pre- 
serve his credit, by forbearing what is in his power, for fear 
of discovering how far the limits extend of what is not; or 
perhaps for fear of shewing an inclination contrary to that of 
his master. Yet all this while he lies under the reproach of 
delay, unsteadiness, or want of sincerity. So that there are 
many inconveniences and dangers, either in discovering or 
concealing the want of power. Neither is it hard to con- 
ceive that ministers may happen to suffer for the sins of 
their predecessors, who by their great abuses and monopolies 
of power and favour, have taught princes to be more thrifty 
for the future in the distribution of both. And as in common 
life, whoever has been long confined, is very fond of his 
liberty, and will not easily endure the very appearance of 
restraint even from those who have been the instruments of 

1 The Lord Treasurer. [S.] 

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setting him free ; so it is with the recovery of power ; which 
is usually attended with an undistinguished jealousy, lest it 
should be again invaded. 1 In such a juncture, I cannot 
discover why a wise and honest man should venture to place 
himself at the head of affairs, upon any other regard than 
the safety of his country, and the advice of Socrates, to 
prevent an ill man from coming in. 

Upon the whole, I do not see any one ground of sus- 
picion or dislike, which you, gentlemen, or others who wish 
well to their country, may have entertained about persons or 
proceedings, but what may probably be misapprehended 
even by those who think they have the best information. 
Nay, I will venture to go one step farther, by adding, that 
although it may not be prudent to speak out upon this 
occasion, yet whoever will reason impartially upon the 
whole state of affairs, must entirely acquit the ministry of 
that delay and neutrality which have been laid to their 
charge. Or suppose some small part of this accusation 
were true, (which I positively know to be otherwise, whereof 
the world will soon be convinced) yet the consequences of 
any resentment at this time, must either be none at all, or 
the most fatal that can imagined ; for if the present ministry 
be made so uneasy that a change be thought necessary, 
things will return of course into the old hands of those whose 
little fingers will be found heavier than their predecessors' 
loins. The Whig faction is so dexterous at corrupting, and 
the people so susceptible of it, that you cannot be ignorant 
how easy it will be, after such a turn of affairs, upon a new 
election, to procure a majority against you. They will resume 
their power with a spirit like that of Marius or Sylla, or the 
last triumvirate ; and those ministers who have been most 
censured for too much hesitation, will fall the first sacrifices 
to their vengeance. But these are the smallest mischiefs to 
be apprehended from such returning exiles. What security 
can a prince hope for his person or his crown, or even 

1 That Queen Anne had learned the lesson taught her by Harley of 
acting for herself much too weU for the convenience of her ministers is 
obvious from her conduct in cherishing at once two favourites of such 
inconsistent principles as the Duchess of Somerset and Mrs. Masham. 
Swift repeatedly complains of her exercise of her free-will in the 
"Journal to Stella." [S.] 

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for the monarchy itself? He must expect to see his best 
friends brought to the scaffold, for asserting his rights ; to 
see his prerogative trampled on, and his treasures applied 
to feed the avarice of those who make themselves his 
keepers; to hear himself treated with insolence and con- 
tempt; to have his family purged at pleasure by their 
humour and malice ; and to retain even the name and 
shadow of a king, no longer than his ephori shall think fit. 

These are the inevitable consequences of such a change of 
affairs, as that envenomed party is now projecting ; which 
will best be prevented by your firmly adhering to the present 
ministry, till this domestic enemy is out of all possibility of 
making head any more. 

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(From "The Examiner, " vol. iii., Number ai. From Friday, 
January 30th, to Monday, February and, 171a.) 

" Beware of counterfeits, for such are abroad. 1 ' 

Dr. Saffold's Quack-bill 

" Quiii, quae dixisti modo, 
Omnia ementitus equidem SosiaAmphitryonis sum." 


" Parva metu primo, mox sese attollit in auras." 

Virgil {JEncid> W. 176). 


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Erasmus Lewis, at the time of the writing of this paper, was a 
trusted agent of the ministers, and secretary to Lord Dartmouth. He 
represented Lostwithiel in parliament, ana was, afterwards, secretary 
to Harley, Earl of Oxford. Swift alwavs speaks of him in high terms. 
Nichols quotes a memorandum written by Swift on the back of one of 
Lewis's letters which attests the deep regard Swift had for his friend : 
" Lewis, who is wiser than ever he was ; the best of husbands ; I am 
sure I can say, from my own experience, that he is the best of friends ; 
he was so to me, when I had little hopes I should ever live to thank 
him." Gay, in his "Mr. Pope's welcome from Greece," mentions 
him as one "who has never friend forsaken." 

The occasion for writing this paper arose from the fact that Lewis 
had been accused of carrying on a secret correspondence with the Court 
of St. Germains. How this rumour spread out is detailed by Swift here 
and-in his letters to Stella. On January 27th, 17 12- 13, he writes to 
Esther Johnson : "My friend Lewis has had a lie spread on him, by 
the mistake of a man, who went to another of his name, to give him 
thanks for passing his privy seal to come from France. That other 
Lewis spread about, that the man brought him thanks from Lord Perth 
and Lord Melfort (lords now with the Pretender) for his great services, 
etc The lords will examine that other Lewis to-morrow in council ; 
and I believe you will hear of it in the prints, for I will make Abel 
Roper give an account of it." Four days later he tells her : " I was 
in the city with my printer to alter an * Examiner,' about my friend 
Lewis's story, which will be told with remarks." On the 1st February 
he concludes : " I could do nothing till to-day about the 'Examiner ' ; 
but the printer came this morning, and I dictated to him what was fit 
to be said ; and then Mr. Lewis came, and corrected it as he would 
have it ; so that I was neither at Church nor at Court" 

Neither this pamphlet nor the affidavits of Erasmus Lewis, Charles 
Ford, and Brigadier Skelton, prevented the Whigs from making all the 
capital they could out of this matter. Their attitude may be further 
studied in the " Flying Post " for February 3rd, and in a collection of 
Whig tracts and lampoons published in 17 14, among the latter of which 
is a satirical ballad, entitled, " Lewis upon Lewis, or the Snake in 
the Grass." 

The Dr. Saffold from whose poem Swift quotes a line as one of the 
texts for his paper, succeeded William Lilly in the practice of medical 
quackery and astrology. He is mentioned by Garth in the "Dis- 
pensary." I have been unable to procure a copy of any publication in 
pamphlet form of this paper, nor am I aware that any such was 
issued). The piesent text is that of the original " Examiner." 

[T. S.] 


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[Feb. 2, 1712-13.] 

I INTEND this paper for the service of a particular 
person; but herein, I hope, at the same time, to do 
some service to the public. A monstrous story hath been 
for a while most industriously handed about, reflecting upon 
a gentleman in great trust, under the principal secretary of 
state ; who hath conducted himself with so much prudence, 
that, before this incident, neither the most virulent pens nor 
tongues have been so bold to attack him. The reader easily 
understands, that the person here meant is Mr. Lewis, sec- 
retary to the Earl of Dartmouth, 1 concerning whom a story 
hath run, for about ten days past, which makes a mighty 
noise in this town, is no doubt with very ample additions 
transmitted to every part of the kingdom, and probably will 
be returned to us by the Dutch Gazetteer, with the judicious 
comments peculiar to that political author : wherefore having 
received the fact and the circumstances from the best hands, 
I shall here set them down before the reader, who will easily 
pardon the style, which is made up of extracts from the 
depositions and assertions of the several persons concerned. 

1 Lord Dartmouth was Secretary of State with St. John. He was 
a proud, grave person, from whom Swift could never "get a dinner." 
His annotations to Burnet's "History of his Own Time" are pretty 
free and to the point Swift, in the twenty-sixth number of the " Ex- 
aminer," helps us to realize the man by the following character sketch : 
" My Lord Dartmouth is a man of letters, full of good sense, good 
nature, and honour, of strict virtue and regularity of life ; but labours 
under one great defect, that he treats his clerks with more civility and 
good manners, than others in his station have done the queen." [T. S.] 


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On Sunday last was month/ Mr. Lewis, secretary to the 
Earl of Dartmouth, and Mr. Skelton,* met by accident at 
Mr. Scarborough's lodgings in St James's, among seven 
other persons, viz. the Earls of Sussex and Finlater, the 
Lady Barbara Skelton, Lady Walter, Mrs. Vernon, Mrs. 
Scarborough, and Miss Scarborough her daughter ; * who all 
declared, " that Mr. Lewis and Mr. Skelton were half an 
hour in company together. " There Mrs. Scarborough made 
Mr. Skelton and Mr. Lewis known to each other ; and told 
the former, "that he ought to thank Mr. Lewis for the 
trouble he had given himself in the dispatch of a licence, 
under the privy-seal, by which Mr. Skelton was permitted 
to come from France to England.'' Hereupon Mr. Skelton 
saluted Mr. Lewis, and told him, "he would wait on him 
at his house to return him his thanks." Two or three days 
after, Mr. Skelton, in company with the Earl of Sussex, his 
lady's father, went to a house in Marlborough Street, where 
he was informed Mr. Lewis lived ; and as soon as the sup- 
posed Mr. Lewis 4 appeared, Mr. Skelton expressed himself 
in these words ; " Sir, I beg your pardon ; I find I am mis- 
taken : I came to visit Mr. Lewis of my Lord Dartmouth's 
office, to thank him for the service he did me in passing my 
privy-seal." Mr. Levi alias Lewis answered, " Sir, there is 
no harm done:" Upon which Mr. Skelton immediately 
withdrew to my Lord Sussex, who stayed for him in the 
coach, and drove away. Mr. Skelton, who was a stranger 
to the town, ordered the coachman to drive to Mr. Lewis's 
without more particular directions, and this was the occasion 
of the mistake. 

1 Sic. [T. S.] 

3 Charles Skelton, a Roman Catholic, and a general officer in the 
service of France. He married Lady Barbara Leonard, daughter of 
the Earl of Sussex. [T. S.] 

a Thomas Leonard, Lord Dacre, was created Earl of Sussex, Octo- 
ber Jth, 1674. He married the Lady Anne Fitzroy, the natural 
daughter of Charles II. by the Duchess of Cleveland. 

James Ogilvy, Earl of Finlater, was one of the sixteen representative 
peers of Scotland. 

Charles Scarborough was, at this time, one of the clerks of the Board 
of Green Cloth. Miss Scarborough was a maid of honour. 

Lady Walter was the wife of Sir John Walter, of the Board of Green 
Cloth, whom Swift styled "an honest drunken fellow." [T. S.] 

4 Mr. Henry Lewis [Levi], a Hamburg merchant. [T. S.] 

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For above a fortnight nothing was said of this matter ; 
but on Saturday the 24th of January last, a report began to 
spread, that Mr. Skelton, going by mistake to Mr. Henry 
Levi alias Lewis, instead of Mr. Lewis of the secretary's 
office, had told him, " that he had services for him from the 
Earls of Perth, Middleton, Melfort, and about twelve persons 
more of the court of St. Germain's." l When Mr. Lewis 
heard of this, he writ to the above-mentioned Henry Levi 
alias Lewis, desiring to be informed, what ground there was 
for this report; and received for answer, "that his friend 
Skelton could best inform him." Mr. Lewis writ a second 
letter, insisting on an account of this matter, and that he 
would come and demand it in person. Accordingly he and 
Charles Ford, Esq, 5 * went the next morning, and found the 
said Levi in a great surprise at the report, who declared, 
" he had never given the least occasion for it ; and that he 
would go to all the coffeehouses in town, to do Mr. Lewis 
justice." He was asked by Mr. Lewis, "Whether Mr. 
Skelton had named from what places and persons he had 
brought those services ? " Mr. Levi alias Lewis answered, 
" he was positive Mr. Skelton had neither named person nor 
place." Here Mr. Skelton was called in, and Mr. Levi 
alias Lewis confirmed what he had said in his hearing. 
Mr. Lewis then desired, he would give him in writing what 
he had declared before the company; but Mr. Levi alias 
Lewis excused it as unnecessary, " because he had already 
said, he would do him justice in all the coffeehouses in 
town." On the other hand, Mr. Lewis insisted to have it 
in writing, as being less troublesome ; and to this Mr. Levi 
alias Lewis replied, "That he would give his answer by 
three o'clock in the afternoon." Accordingly Mr. Ford went 
to his house at the time appointed, but did not find him at 

1 James Drummond, the fourth Earl of Perth, was Justice-General 
of Scotland in 1682. Two years later, and both under Charles and 
James II., he held the Lord-Chancellorship of Scotland. He followed 
the fortunes of the outlawed king and died at St. Germains in 17 16. 
The Earl of Perth's second son was created Earl of Melfort by James II. 
in 1686, and Duke of Melfort at St. Germains. He died in 17 14. For 
an account of Lord Middleton, see note on p. 257. [T. S.] 

3 Swift's great friend. He was appointed Gazetteer in 171 2 through 
9wift's influence. He lived in Ireland for some time, but died m 
London in 1741. [T. S.] 

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home; and in the mean time the said Levi went to White's 
chocolate-house, where notwithstanding all he had before 
denied, he spread the above-mentioned report afresh, with 
several additional circumstances, as " That when Mr. Skelton 
and the Earl of Sussex came to his house, they stayed with 
him a considerable time, and drank tea." 

The Earl of Peterborough, uncle to the said Mr. Skelton, 
thought himself obliged to enquire into the truth of this 
Blatter ; and after some search, found Mr. Levi alias Lewis 
at the Thatched-house Tavern, where he denied every thing 
again to his lordship, as he had done in the morning to 
Mr. Ford, Mr. Lewis, and Mr. Skelton. 

This affair coming to the knowledge of the Queen, Her 
Majesty was pleased to order an examination of it by some 
lords of the council Their lordships appointed Wednesday 
the 28th of January last for this enquiry ; and gave notice 
for attendance to the said Levi alias Lewis and several 
other persons who had knowledge of the matter. When 
Mr. Levi alias Lewis was called in, he declared, "That 
Mr. Skelton told him he had services for him from France, 
but did not name any persons." William Pulteney, Esq; 
who was summoned, affirmed, " That he had told him, Mr. 
Skelton named the Earl of Perth and Melfort." Levi alias 
Lewis appeared in some confusion; for he had entreated 
Mr. Pulteney, " not to say he had named any names, for he 
would not stand to it;" but Mr. Pulteney answered, "You 
may give yourself the lie ; I won't" The Earl of Sussex 
declared, " he did not go out of his coach, and that his son- 
in-law, Mr. Skelton, had not been gone half a minute before 
he returned to the coach." Mr. Skelton declared, "That 
he knew Mr. Lewis by sight perfectly well ; that he imme- 
diately saw his mistake ; that he said nothing to him but 
the words first mentioned; and that he had not brought 
Mr. Lewis any service from any person whatsoever." The 
Earl of Finlater, and other persons summoned, declared, 
"That Mr. Lewis and Mr. Skelton were personally known 
to each other," which rendered it wholly improbable that 
Mr. Skelton should mistake him : So that the whole matter 
appeared to be only a foolish and malicious invention of the 
said Levi alias Lewis, who, when called to an account, 
utterly disowned it 

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If Mr. Levi's view, in broaching this incoherent slander, 
was to make his court to any particular persons, he has 
been extremely disappointed, since all men of principle, 
laying aside the distinction of opinions in politics, have 
entirely agreed in abandoning him ; which I observe with 
a great dad of pleasure, as it is for the honour of human- 
kind. But as neither virtue nor vice are wholly engrossed 
by either party, the good qualities of the mind, whatever 
bias they may receive by mistaken principles, or mistaken 
politics, will not be extinguished. When I reflect on this, I 
cannot, without being a very partial writer, forbear doing 
justice to William Pulteney, Esq, 1 who being desired by this 
same Mr. Levi, to drop one part of what he knew, refused 
it with disdain. Men of honour will always side with the 
truth ; of which the behaviour of Mr. Pulteney, and of a 
great number of gentlemen of worth and quality, are un- 
deniable instances. 

I am only sorry, that the unhappy author of this report, 
seems left so entirely desolate of aU his acquaintance, that 
he hath nothing but his own conduct to direct him ; and 
consequently is so far from acknowledging his iniquity and 
repentance to the world, that in the Daily Courant of 
Saturday last, he hath published a Narrative, as he calls it, 
of what passed between him and Mr. Skelton, wherein he 
recedes from some part of his former confession. This 
Narrative is drawn up by way of answer to an advertisement 
in the same paper two days before : which advertisement 
was couched in very moderate terms, and such as Mr. Levi 
ought, in all prudence, to have acquiesced in. I freely 
acquit every body but himself from any share in this miser- 
able proceeding, and can foretell him, that as his prevaricating 
manner of adhering to some part of the story, will not con- 
vince one rational person of his veracity ; so neither will any 

1 William Pulteney (1682- 1764) was a strong opponent of the Harley 
Administration. He was educated at Westminster School, and at 
Christ Church, Oxford. As the friend of Sir Robert Walpok he was, 
on the accession of George I., made a Privy Councillor and Secretary 
for War. The friendship between Walpole and himself was not of long 
duration, for he led the opposition against that minister. He joined 
Bolingbroke in editing "Tne Craftsman," and on Walpole's resignation 
in 1 741 was created Earl of Bath. As a commoner he was very popular, 
but his popularity declined when he accepted the peerage. [T. S.J 

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body interpret it, otherwise than as a blunder of a helpless 
creature, left to itself; who endeavours to get out of one 
difficulty, by plunging into a greater. It is therefore for the 
sake of this poor young man, that I shall set before him, in 
the plainest manner I am able, some few inconsistencies in 
that Narrative of his ; the truth of which, he says, he is 
ready to attest upon oath ; which, whither he would avoid, 
by an oath only upon the Gospels, himself can best de- 

Mr. Levi says, in this aforesaid Narrative in the Daily 
Courant, "That Mr. Skelton, mistaking him for Mr. Lewis, 
told him he had several services to him from France, and 
named the names of several persons, which he [Levi] will 
not be positive to." Is it possible, that among several 
names, he cannot be positive so much as to one, after having 
named the Earls of Perth, Middleton and Melfort, so often 
at White's and the coffeehouses ? Again, he declared, " That 
my Lord Sussex came in with Mr. Skelton ; that both drank 
tea with him," and therefore whatever words passed, my 
Lord Sussex must be a witness to : But his lordship de- 
clares before the council, "that he never stirred out of the 
coach ; and that Mr. Skelton, in going, returning, and talk- 
ing with Levi, was not absent half a minute : " Therefore, 
now in his printed Narrative, he contradicts that essential 
circumstance of my Lord Sussex coming in along with Mr. 
Skelton, so that we are here to suppose that this discourse 
passed only between him and Mr. Skelton, without any 
third for a witness, and therefore he thought he might safely 
affirm what he pleased. Besides, the nature of their dis- 
course, as Mr. Levi reports it, makes this part of his Narra- 
tive impossible and absurd, because the truth of it turns 
upon Mr. Skelton's mistaking him for the real Mr. Lewis ; 
and it happens that seven persons of quality were by in a 
room, where Mr. Lewis and Mr. Skelton were half an hour 
in company, and saw them talk together. It happens like- 
wise, that the real and counterfeit Lewis, have no more 
resemblance to each other in their persons, than they have 
in their understandings, their truth, their reputation, or 
their principles. Besides in this Narrative, Mr. Levi directly 
affirms what he directly denied to the Earl of Peterborough, 
Mr. Ford, and Mr. Lewis himself; to whom he twice or 

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thrice expressly affirmed, that Mr. Skelton had not named 
either place or person. 

There is one circumstance in Levi's Narrative which may 
deceive the reader. He says, " Mr. Skelton was taken into 
the dining-room ; " this dining-room is a ground-room next 
the street, and Mr. Skelton never went further than the 
door of it His many prevarications in this whole affair, 
and the many thousand various ways of telling his story, are 
too tedious to be related. I shall therefore conclude with 
one remark. By the true account given in this paper it 
appears, that Mr. Skelton, finding his mistake before he 
spake a word, begged Mr. Levi's pardon, and by way of 
apology told him, " his visit was intended to Mr. Lewis of 
my Lord Dartmouth's office, to thank him for the service he 
had done him, in passing the privy-seal." It is probable 
that Mr. Levi's low intellectuals were deluded by the word 
service, which he took as compliments from some persons, 
and then it was easy to find names : Thus, what his ignor- 
ance and simplicity misled him to begin, his malice taught 
him to propagate. 

I have been the more solicitous to set this matter in a 
clear light, because Mr. Lewis being employed and trusted 
in public affairs, if this report had prevailed, persons of the 
first rank might possibly have been wounded through his 
sides. 1 

1 This account was published February 2nd, and was confirmed in 
the "Gazette" of the following day by tnree advertisements, contain- 
ing the respective affidavits of Erasmus Lewis, Esq., Charles Ford, 
Esq., and Brigadier Skelton. [N.] 

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In a note to his reprint of this tract Nichols thinks (Suppl. to Swift's 
Works, vol i., p. 199, 1779) the Whig Lord for whom this letter 
was intended was Richard Lumley, Earl of Scarborough. The same 
authority, however, finds from a MS. note of Charles Ford, Swift's 
intimate friend, that the Whig Lord was Lord Ashburnham, who 
married Lady Mary Butler, daughter to the Duke of Ormond. The 
latter seems to be the more likely surmise ; having once been a Whig, 
he was, at the time the letter was written, a Tory, and showed symptoms 
of going back to his old party friends. It matters little, however, to 
what particular individual the letter was addressed, since Swift in- 
tended an appeal to all those persons who might be wavering in their 
political faiths. As Mr. Churton Collins (see his "Study of Swift," 
p. 109) points out: "Its design is to confirm the Tories in their 
allegiance to their chief, and to make converts of the doubtful Whigs." 
Moreover, it is also, in effect, "an elaborate defence and justification 
of Harley's policy of compromise," and as such, ably supports his 
advice to the members of the October Club. 

In his letter to Stella, 17th June, 1712, Swift writes: "Things are 
now in the way of being soon in the extremes of well or ill : I hope 
and believe the first. Lord Wharton is gone out of town in a rage ; 
and curses himself and friends for ruining themselves in defending 
lords Marlborough and Godolphin, and taking Nottingham into their 
favour. He swears he will meddle no more during this reign ; a pretty 
speech at sixty-six ; and the queen is near twenty years younger, and 
now in very good health ! Read the * Letter to a Whig Lord."" 

The text of the present edition is that of the original issue, by John 
Morphew, in 17 12, compared with that of the quarto edition of the 
Works, published in 1779 ( v °l* *iv.)» 

[T. S.] 


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SEP 22 193? 




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